{"id":83635,"date":"2022-09-16T14:11:19","date_gmt":"2022-09-16T14:11:19","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/one.sightlinemg.com\/airforcetimes\/uncategorized\/2022\/09\/16\/how-a-republican-rift-on-ukraine-could-complicate-future-aid-packages\/"},"modified":"2026-08-08T00:52:31","modified_gmt":"2026-08-08T00:52:31","slug":"how-a-republican-rift-on-ukraine-could-complicate-future-aid-packages","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/one.sightlinemg.com\/airforcetimes\/news\/pentagon-congress\/2022\/09\/16\/how-a-republican-rift-on-ukraine-could-complicate-future-aid-packages\/","title":{"rendered":"How a Republican rift on Ukraine could complicate future aid packages"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

This story was a <\/i>2023 Society for Professional Journalists Dateline Award<\/i><\/a> finalist for non-breaking news in a newsletter or trade publication.<\/i><\/p>\n\n\n\n

WASHINGTON \u2014 Republican leaders who hope to take control of Congress after the November elections would face a growing gap between members of their caucus calling for more robust aid to Ukraine and a contingent skeptical of continuing to shell out billions of dollars to Kyiv as the war with Russia continues.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The schism between the party\u2019s establishment Republicans and Trump-style populists raises questions about whether President Joe Biden can rely on lawmakers to continue funding the influx of U.S. military equipment to Ukraine if Democrats lose control of Congress.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The House\u2019s No. 2 and 3 Republican leaders \u2014 Minority Whip Steve Scalise and conference chair Elise Stefanik \u2014 wouldn\u2019t commit to their conference keeping the aid flowing should Republicans take control of the House in January, even though they both cast votes in favor of Ukraine aid in the past.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThere are a lot of members that want to see more accountability in the Department of Defense and more of a focus on the threats that are out there,\u201d Scalise, of Louisiana, told reporters Wednesday. \u201cChina is moving very aggressively to build up a naval fleet, and right now our naval fleet is in decline.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The $40 billion Ukraine supplemental split Republicans when it passed Congress in May, and, if Republicans pick up seats in the midterms, it\u2019s unclear where the new members would land on the issue. In the House, 57 Republicans voted no, while 149 voted with the Democratic majority; in the Senate, 11 voted no, while 39 voted yes with Democrats.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The tally reflects changing views within the party. Heritage Action, the lobbying arm of the influential conservative Heritage Foundation, was among right-leaning groups that have started to lobby Congress against the White House\u2019s recent request to package $13.7 billion in Ukraine aid and funding for COVID-19 relief with a stopgap spending bill.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ukraine \u201cdeserves\u201d U.S. and European support, but combining it with the continuing resolution would mean ignoring concerns over \u201cthe glaring lack of fiscal responsibility and questions regarding the appropriateness of the proposed aid,\u201d Heritage Action Vice President Garrett Bess told Defense News in a statement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Not all Republicans agree. Alabama Sen. Richard Shelby, the ranking member on the Appropriations Committee who is due to retire at the end of the year, told reporters on Thursday he wants the Ukraine aid package included in the continuing resolution, even as he hopes to keep other riders on the bill to a minimum.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

House GOP Conference Policy Committee Chairman Gary Palmer, R-Ala., said he\u2019s tried to sway skeptics of Ukraine aid within the caucus.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe evidence for how effective our support of Ukraine has been is being played out right in front of us,\u201d Palmer said of Ukraine\u2019s successful counteroffensive. \u201cMy problem with some people is they have tunnel vision to the degree they cannot see the consequences of inaction. And I think history will judge how we handle this.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Given the GOP\u2019s internal differences, it\u2019s an open question how future support for Ukraine would play into the party\u2019s post-election agenda. Several party leaders weren\u2019t eager to answer and instead voiced their own support for both the aid and oversight measures.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cI\u2019m not sure of everybody\u2019s position; I\u2019ve been very supportive of Ukraine,\u201d said Florida Sen. Rick Scott, the chairman of Senate Republicans\u2019 campaign arm. \u201cWe want to make sure the money doesn\u2019t get wasted, and we know we have $30 trillion dollars worth of debt, but I\u2019ve been very supportive of Ukraine aid.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If passed into law, the new funding would bring the total assistance this year from Congress to Ukraine to more than $67 billion. The last package also required the inspectors general from the Pentagon and State Department to oversee the aid to Kyiv \u2014 though it did not create the special inspector general just for Ukraine that Stefanik and others have requested.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe have a lot of [potential] members who have never been here before, and we want to make sure they get all the briefings. I know there\u2019s concern, rightfully so, about having oversight over those dollars,\u201d Stefanik said. \u201cI\u2019m not going to get ahead of our members before the election, our newly elected members. It\u2019s going to be a conference decision of those new members.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Republican Rep. Victoria Spartz, a Ukrainian-American lawmaker who has supported robust aid to Kyiv despite her criticisms of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy\u2019s cabinet, argued a Republican majority would actually provide Ukraine with more military capabilities by winning over skeptics with improved oversight.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe\u2019ll have better efficiency, better oversight, better weapons,\u201d said Spartz, of Indiana. \u201cIt\u2019s not just good for the American people, but accountability will be better for the Ukrainian people because we\u2019ll make sure that aid does get to the front line.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Key Democrats also say they\u2019re confident in congressional support, whatever the outcome of midterm elections. Last week, Senate Armed Services Committee Chairman Jack Reed, D-R.I., expressed concerns that public support might wane, but on Wednesday, amid news of Ukraine\u2019s stunning counteroffensive, he said future aid is not in doubt.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cNo, I don\u2019t think so, because particularly with this latest success, not only are we doing the right thing, the Ukrainians are using our aid effectively, successfully,\u201d Reed said. \u201cIf the Russians prevail, then they won\u2019t stop at Ukraine and that raises the possibility of conflict with us and with NATO. I think that perception as well as respect for the Ukrainian people is strong.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Visiting Ukrainian civil society leaders, who were due to meet this week with lawmakers and Biden administration officials, spoke at length about needed anti-corruption measures even as they called for more U.S. weaponry ahead of tough winter fighting. But they said <\/b>when they sought meetings with Republicans who opposed previous aid, they <\/b>got no response.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cEspecially before the midterm election, we wish to see the Ukraine issue unite the Congress and this $11.7 billion, as a new request for Ukraine, be without politicization, adopted in Congress as soon as possible, because this is what we definitely, desperately need in Ukraine to cover our budget needs, to cover our military needs, before the winter season,\u201d Hanna Hopko, a former lawmaker in Ukraine\u2019s Parliament, told reporters at a German Marshall Fund event in Washington on Monday.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why some are voting no<\/h1>\n\n\n\n

Among those opponents was Rep. Jim Banks, R-Ind., the chair of the fiscally hawkish Republican Study Committee. The Republican Study Committee issued a memo this week criticizing the White House request for additional spending in the continuing resolution, including the additional Ukraine aid package, with a note that, \u201conly $7.2 billion of that package\u201d would go toward military aid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Republicans who voted against the last Ukraine aid supplemental have cited several reasons for their opposition, ranging from arguments that the money is better spent at home to calls for more U.S. attention to the Indo-Pacific to demands for more oversight of the aid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rep. Roger Williams, R-Texas, voted against the last aid package. He wouldn\u2019t rule out further aid for Ukraine, but said the military hardware Washington is sending is depleting the U.S. military and would be of more use on the southern border, defending America\u2019s sovereignty.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe all want to support Ukraine, OK? There\u2019s a point though that others have to step up,\u201d Williams said. \u201cWe can\u2019t continue to send all of our assets to Ukraine. A lot of what we\u2019ve sent to Ukraine should be down at the border.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., who voted against the last aid package for Kyiv, arguing the United States should instead increase its military presence in the Pacific, said the ongoing flood of aid is part of the Biden administration\u2019s \u201cnation-building project in Ukraine.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hawley noted a Republican majority in the Senate probably wouldn\u2019t be able to stop party leaders from shepherding additional assistance to Ukraine based on his colleagues\u2019 votes on the issue so far. But he said a Republican majority in the House could prove to be an obstacle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

And Sen. Bill Hagerty, R-Tenn., said he\u2019s \u201cconcerned about the lack of accountability\u201d in the $40 billion Ukraine aid supplemental.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThat is the size of my entire state\u2019s budget for a year, and it was put together very quickly,\u201d said Hagerty. \u201cIt\u2019s always going to be a concern in terms of fiscal responsibility, of course it is. I want to see the Ukrainian people win, and I want us handling our support in the most responsible manner possible.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Meanwhile, Sen. Rand Paul, noted he opposes previous and additional rounds of Ukraine aid, citing the floods and tornadoes his home state has dealt with this year.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cI haven\u2019t met anybody in Kentucky who\u2019s saying,\u2019 Oh please send my money overseas,\u2019\u201d said Paul. \u201cWe\u2019re still having trouble with emergency disaster aid.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In a floor speech Wednesday arguing against Democrats retaining unified control of the government, Paul\u2019s fellow Kentucky senator, Minority Leader Mitch McConnell said the White House\u2019s new Ukraine request was too small.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hailing Ukraine\u2019s recent battlefield wins, McConnell said the U.S. must send Kyiv better arms, including the MGM-140 Army Tactical Missile System \u2014 a surface-to-surface missile made by Lockheed Martin with range that allows it to strike inside Russia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe Ukrainians need more of the weapons we\u2019ve been giving them. They need to start getting them faster and they also need new capabilities like long-range ATACMS, larger drones and tanks,\u201d McConnell said. \u201cNot all of these weapons need to come from America. Make no mistake, our allies are looking to us for signals.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Asked afterward whether Congress could continue providing aid to Ukraine if Republicans were to take the House or Senate, McConnell downplayed the rift.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThere are a few voices on the right that seem to oppose the war, but the vast majority of us, certainly including myself, think defeating the Russians in Ukraine is high-priority,\u201d McConnell told Defense News.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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