Gen. Francis L. Donovan, commander of U.S. Southern Command, directed the activation Tuesday, describing Joint Task Force Western Hemisphere, or JTF-WHEM, as a purpose-built joint task force that will provide unified command and control at the tactical and operational levels, while integrating military capabilities with the 18 partner nations of the Americas Counter Cartel Coalition, or A3C.

SOUTHCOM Media Relations Officer Steven McLoud told Military Times the activation of JTF-WHEM “represents an evolution from Operation Southern Spear,” reinforcing the command’s whole-of-government, multinational approach to defending the homeland while building on the successes of Operation Southern Spear.

McLoud said JTF-WHEM serves as SOUTHCOM’s “action arm,” focused on what he described as imposing “total systemic friction” against threats across the hemisphere.

He said the task force builds on Operation Southern Spear, which employed “precise kinetic strikes and maritime interdiction operations” to disrupt illicit trafficking and undermine entrenched criminal networks, by advancing efforts to disrupt, dismantle and defeat narcoterrorism networks.

According to McLoud, JTF-WHEM coordinates U.S. military actions targeting cartels and narcoterrorist networks while leveraging the commitment of Americas Counter Cartel Coalition member nations through expanded bilateral and multilateral cooperation in border security, countering threats and protecting critical infrastructure. He said enhanced cooperation and information sharing support the president’s national security strategy, the defense secretary’s national defense strategy and SOUTHCOM’s theater priorities.

According to SOUTHCOM, JTF-WHEM will serve as the command’s operational headquarters for executing missions across the region.

The command said the headquarters integrates intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, operational planning and multinational coordination while supporting intelligence sharing, combined training, interoperability, partner-capacity building and humanitarian assistance and disaster response.

SOUTHCOM said the task force is intended to increase operational effectiveness against transnational criminal organizations and other threats affecting the United States and partner nations.

“JTF-WHEM strengthens our ability to work alongside trusted allies and partners, synchronize military capabilities and apply sustained pressure against the networks that threaten our collective security,” Donovan said in a statement. “Together, we are increasing security across the hemisphere and protecting our homeland.”

Donovan also said, “Together with the 18 nations of A3C, we are changing the way we confront these threats.”

Gen. Donovan selected Marine Corps Maj. Gen. Kevin Jarrard to command the new task force. Jarrard most recently led U.S. military support to U.S. Department of State-led disaster relief operations following the June earthquakes in Venezuela.

Nearly a month later, some military families say the changes have made it harder to find information about child care, community programs and installation services.

Army Directive 2026-17, Optimizing Digital Media, required many subordinate units and installation organizations, including Army Community Service, Morale, Welfare and Recreation, Child & Youth Services, military treatment facilities and other organizations to discontinue standalone Army social media accounts. Instead, those organizations are expected to communicate through higher-level command or installation accounts.

When introducing the directive in July, Army leaders said the changes would “ensure a clear, unified voice, reduce operational risk, and improve information access for Soldiers, Families and the public.”

During the first month of implementation, organizations across the Army, including Fort Bragg Army Community Service and U.S. Army Garrison Bavaria Family and MWR, notified followers that their standalone social media pages would be closed and directed audiences to installation-level accounts for future updates.

This week, the 3rd U.S. Infantry Regiment, known as The Old Guard, notified followers that its Instagram account would be managed by the U.S. Army Military District of Washington as part of its compliance with Directive 2026-17, reflecting the Army’s larger effort to centralize official communications.

Some military families said the transition has changed how they access day-to-day information.

LeAnn Nichols, an Army spouse, said the loss of organization-specific pages disrupted a network she relied on while searching for child care and staying connected with installation resources.

“Military families should never struggle to take advantage of the programs that are meant to support and empower our families,” Nichols said.

Nichols said that Army hospital and MWR pages had become one of the easiest ways for families to learn about available services and questioned why those accounts were removed.

“Statistics show many military families don’t take advantage of programs that they are eligible for, and could really use,” Nichols said. “Now it will be even more difficult to find the information we need on a regular basis.”

Nichols’ concerns come as child care continues to rank among the most significant quality-of-life challenges facing military families.

According to Blue Star Families’ Military Family Lifestyle Survey, one-third of active-duty family respondents identified child care as one of their top concerns. Among respondents experiencing child care challenges, 67% cited long waitlists or a lack of available spaces.

Michael Hanson, an Air Force spouse living in an Army community, said the consolidation has changed how his family experiences installation life.

“The installation feels like it’s gone dark,” Hanson said. “It’s back to COVID times where we’re all living in isolation. But even in isolation, we had social media to stay connected. With the military taking us all over the world, how can we not rely on the social highway?”

Army Directive 2026-17 allows commanders to request exceptions when they can demonstrate a mission-critical requirement that cannot be met through existing communication channels.

Military Times asked the Army how it is measuring whether the directive has improved information access and whether it has collected feedback on implementation. The publication also asked whether any exceptions have been approved, what communication channels it expects families to rely on in place of organization-specific social media pages, and whether the Army has collected data on the effectiveness of the new communication model in its first month.

The Army did not respond before publication.

In a letter shared exclusively with Military Times, the oversight committee’s ranking member, Robert Garcia, D-Calif., and Rep. Suhas Subramanyam, D-Va., ranking member of the Military and Foreign Affairs Subcommittee, asked Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth to provide a complete record of every change made to the Defense Casualty Analysis System, or DCAS, involving Operation Epic Fury, “Overseas Operations” or any other category used to track casualties from hostilities with Iran. The lawmakers requested a response by Aug. 18.

The investigation follows questions raised after three U.S. soldiers killed in Jordan and one killed in Iraq were initially included in the Pentagon’s Iran war casualty total before being removed. Days later, the deaths reappeared under a new “Overseas Operations” category.

The new category has a stated start date of July 7, the same date the Trump administration said renewed military operations against Iran started a new 60-day period under the War Powers Resolution.

The lawmakers are seeking records explaining why those changes were made, the rules governing casualty classifications and any legal analysis underlying those decisions.

Garcia and Subramanyam also requested records documenting every change made to DCAS, the policies governing how deaths and injuries are assigned to operational categories and legal analyses related to a proposed expansion of the Defense Department’s authority to withhold certain controlled unclassified information under the Freedom of Information Act.

Taken together, the requests seek to examine how official casualty records are created, revised and publicly disclosed.

“The Pentagon appears to be lying about the casualties of fallen soldiers to continue justifying Donald Trump’s war of choice with Iran,” Garcia said in a statement announcing the investigation. “The American people deserve the truth about every life lost and soldier wounded in this illegal war.”

Subramanyam said the lawmakers are seeking transparency because the four service members “were killed in action during Trump’s war of choice in Iran” and “the Department of Defense should not play games and try to hide the true cost of this war.”

Unlike a July 29 letter led by Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., that primarily focused on force protection and medical care following the March 1 attack at Port Shuaiba, Kuwait, this inquiry seeks actual records related to the Pentagon’s casualty accounting process and public reporting.

The Defense Department declined to comment on either letter.

The agreements come as demand for Patriot and THAAD interceptors has increased following conflicts in Iran and Ukraine that strained U.S. missile inventories. They also come days after a Center for Strategic and International Studies analysis estimated the United States had depleted roughly two-thirds of its pre-war Patriot interceptor inventory during the conflict with Iran.

Defense officials said the agreements are intended to support the department’s long-term procurement objective of nearly 14,000 Patriot and THAAD interceptors by providing sustained demand signals to critical suppliers throughout the defense industrial base. The initiative is designed to triple production capacity for Patriot Advanced Capability-3, or PAC-3, Missile Segment Enhancement interceptors and quadruple production capacity for THAAD interceptors.

DoD said it will work directly with key component suppliers instead of relying solely on prime contractors, encouraging investment in advanced tooling, facility modernization and workforce development needed to sustain higher production rates.

“Building the Arsenal of Freedom requires robust, dynamic supply chains at every level of the industrial base,” Michael P. Duffey, under secretary of defense for acquisition and sustainment, said in a statement. “Framework agreements with munition components suppliers like Northrop Grumman are vital to accelerating the tripling of PAC-3 and quadrupling of THAAD interceptor production.”

The agreements establish a second source for Patriot solid rocket motors, expand production of ignition safety devices for PAC-3 interceptors and increase manufacturing capacity for key THAAD structural components, including mid-body shells, muzzle covers and rail car assemblies.

The initiative is part of the Defense Department’s Acquisition Transformation Strategy and was developed in coordination with the Missile Defense Agency, the Munitions Acceleration Council and the Economic Defense Unit to strengthen the resilience of the missile production supply chain.

In a July 29 letter to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., joined by four other Senate Democrats and eight House Democrats, requested answers by Aug. 12 to 23 questions concerning medical care, casualty reporting, force protection and ongoing investigations related to the attack.

Lawmakers say the Pentagon has not fully responded to an April letter raising concerns about force protection before the attack and has not provided Congress with the Army’s investigative findings.

Recent reporting has raised new questions about the medical care provided to injured service members after the attack, which killed six U.S. service members and wounded more than 30 others.

A Pentagon official declined to comment about the letter to Military Times.

The letter cites CBS News reporting that soldiers requested additional medical personnel and supplies before the attack and that those requests were ignored. It also cites reports that, after the strike, some wounded troops drove themselves to a hospital in Kuwait City before later being evacuated and that about two dozen service members were not flown to Landstuhl Regional Medical Center in Germany until nine days after the attack.

Lawmakers also referred to reporting that some wounded service members arrived in Germany without being identified as medical evacuees or seriously injured patients in Defense Department Casualty Analysis System, which the lawmakers said resulted in only limited treatment at Landstuhl. Deeper reporting cited reveals that some troops waited weeks after returning to Fort Hood, Texas, before being evaluated by physicians qualified to diagnose and treat traumatic brain injuries.

Among other questions, the lawmakers asked why requests for additional medical support before the attack were reportedly denied, how the Defense Department classifies serious and very serious injuries and how many service members have sustained traumatic brain injuries since Operation Epic Fury began Feb. 28.

The request from lawmakers also asks the Pentagon to explain changes to publicly reported casualty figures during the conflict, provide updates on force protection measures at military installations across the Middle East, release the Army’s investigation into the Port Shuaiba attack and disclose whether additional Inspector General investigations are underway.

The March 1 attack at Port Shuaiba remains one of the deadliest attacks on U.S. forces during Operation Epic Fury. Reporting by The Washington Post, CBS News, The War Horse and Military Times have described concerns expressed by survivors and family members about force protection, casualty reporting and medical care following the attack.

The War Horse recently reported that medical records documented injuries including traumatic brain injuries, skull fractures, burns, broken bones, hearing loss and shrapnel wounds among those wounded in the strike.

Semaglutide is approved by the Food and Drug Administration to treat Type 2 diabetes and chronic weight management, but not alcohol use disorder.

VA researchers are studying whether the GLP-1 receptor agonist may affect parts of the brain involved in reward, potentially offering a new treatment option for veterans with moderate or severe alcohol use disorder if proven safe and effective.

The department cautioned veterans not to self-medicate or replace evidence-based alcohol use disorder treatments with GLP-1 medications without first consulting a health care provider.

The study, known as the Cessation or Reduction of Alcohol Consumption in Veterans (CRAVE) trial, will enroll more than 600 veterans ages 18 to 80 at 18 VA medical centers nationwide.

Participants with moderate or severe alcohol use disorder will receive weekly injections of either semaglutide or a placebo for 24 weeks, followed by a safety evaluation. Researchers will measure changes in alcohol consumption, overall health and quality of life.

Researchers at Washington University School of Medicine have increasingly studied whether GLP-1 medications, originally developed for diabetes and later approved for obesity, could also help treat substance use disorders.

VA cited an analysis published in March that found patients taking GLP-1 medications experienced lower rates of alcohol use disorder and other substance use disorders than similar patients taking other diabetes medications.

The department said larger, controlled clinical trials are needed to determine whether semaglutide is safe and effective for treating alcohol use disorder.

In an official statement, VA Secretary Doug Collins said, “By exploring emerging treatment options like the use of a GLP-1 for AUD, we aim to expand the tools available to help Veterans take control of their health and recovery.”

Recruitment began July 28. Veterans interested in participating can contact their local VA medical center or search for the trial on ClinicalTrials.gov.

Using publicly available information on missile expenditures, production rates and estimated U.S. inventories, the Washington-based think tank estimates the U.S. has expended about 65% of its Patriot inventory, leaving fewer than 1,000 interceptors remaining. The analysis also estimates U.S. inventories of Terminal High Altitude Area Defense, or THAAD, interceptors have declined by about 38%, leaving an estimated 234 to 278 interceptors.

CSIS concluded the greater strategic risk is not sustaining the current conflict but responding to another high-intensity contingency before Patriot and THAAD inventories can be rebuilt. According to the analysis, depleted inventories could force the U.S. and its coalition partners to accept greater operational risk during air-defense operations by conserving interceptors or prioritizing only the highest-value threats.

Patriot interceptors are among the U.S. military’s primary defenses against ballistic missiles and are used to protect troops, military installations and allied populations from incoming attacks. During the Iran conflict, Patriot and THAAD systems helped defend U.S. forces and partner nations against ballistic missile attacks, although some missiles penetrated air defenses and caused casualties and damage.

In the assessment, CSIS analysts Mark Cancian and Chris Park wrote that U.S. forces expended large quantities of air-defense interceptors during the initial phase of Operation Epic Fury, leaving significantly fewer missiles available as operations resumed.

“There are no good alternatives to Patriot and THAAD for ballistic missile defense,” the duo concluded in their report.

Their findings further detail that rebuilding depleted interceptor inventories will take multiple years, raising readiness concerns for other theaters.

The Pentagon has not publicly confirmed the inventory estimates contained in the CSIS analysis and did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The Army this week awarded Lockheed Martin a contract worth up to $58.6 billion to produce Patriot Advanced Capability-3 Missile Segment Enhancement, or PAC-3 MSE, interceptors through fiscal 2032. The multiyear agreement is intended to expand production capacity as demand for the air-defense missile continues to grow.

“It takes several years to produce a missile. If you put money into the system today, you wouldn’t get a missile for three or four years. Sometimes even five,” Cancian told the BBC. “What we’re getting now are missiles that were funded in 2023.”

That production timeline, CSIS said, leaves a near- to medium-term window of risk if the U.S. is forced to respond to another major conflict before interceptor stockpiles are restored.

Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Elbridge Colby announced on X Tuesday that the Defense Department had “kicked off” the review Hegseth unveiled during the NATO defense ministerial in Brussels on June 18. Hegseth described the effort at the time as “a real review” of America’s force posture and basing in Europe.

Neither Hegseth’s announcement nor Colby’s statement announced troop reductions, unit movements or installation changes as part of the review. The Pentagon also has not said when the review’s recommendations will be released.

The review follows repeated calls by Trump administration officials for European allies to assume greater responsibility for NATO’s conventional defense as the administration reassesses U.S. force posture worldwide.

Hegseth said the review is expected to take up to six months, but it “could be less.” He shared that the review will include input from U.S. European Command as well as consultations with Congress and U.S. allies.

Colby said the review is designed to ensure NATO is “moving fast and irreversibly toward Europe taking primary responsibility for its conventional defense.” He explained the outcome of the review is intended to accelerate NATO’s transition to what he described as “a stronger, more equitable, and sustainable alliance.”

The Pentagon review aims to ensure U.S. force posture in Europe reflects the 2025 National Security Strategy and the 2026 National Defense Strategy. Colby said the department will develop a range of options based on “strategic rigor, a strong empirical baseline, and a clear sense of the geopolitical and military realities.”

Colby also said he looks forward to working closely with Gen. Alexus Grynkewich, NATO’s Supreme Allied Commander Europe, on the review. He noted that the Defense Department plans to have “extensive consultations” with European allies, Congress and other parts of the U.S. government throughout the process.

The COMPACT Act allows eligible veterans and certain former service members to receive Veterans Affairs-funded emergency suicide crisis care at VA and community hospitals, even if they aren’t enrolled in VA healthcare. New data obtained by Military Times show 49,341 veterans have used the benefit since 2023, but veteran advocates and suicide prevention professionals say many eligible veterans still don’t realize it exists until they experience a crisis.

In 2025, retired Navy Master Chief David Hull’s life unraveled after he lost his job during the government shutdown.

The transition from military service had been difficult, but he had rebuilt his life. Then when his paycheck disappeared, so did his ability to provide for his three children.

“I didn’t always consider taking my own life,” Hull said. “It wasn’t until I felt like I had no one and nowhere to go.”

“It’s easy to sink into feeling nothingness when you can’t see your value anymore or you become disconnected from your purpose,” he said.

After putting his children to bed one night, Hull searched online for combinations of pills that promised an easier way to end his life. As he poured medication into a single bottle, he accidentally knocked the empty container onto the floor.

His 6-year-old daughter picked it up.

“She looked up at me with her big brown eyes,” Hull recalled, his voice breaking. “It cracked me wide open.”

Hull left his children with a neighbor and drove to Garrett Regional Medical Center, a community hospital in Oakland, Maryland.

He wasn’t enrolled in VA healthcare. He didn’t have health insurance. Until that night, he had never heard of the COMPACT Act or that eligible veterans could receive VA-funded emergency suicide crisis care at a community hospital.

“I just needed someone to help clear my head and get me straight again,” Hull said. “I was circling the drain. On the precipice of having no home, no food, no money and no job with a promise of a better tomorrow. Nothing.”

About 40 minutes after arriving, Hull was evaluated by an emergency physician, who assured him he would be taken care of. A hospital social worker then explained that the Department of Veterans Affairs would cover the cost of his emergency treatment and follow-up care.

“I was shocked to find out that I could be seen for free after they identified me as a veteran,” Hull said.

In 2020, Congress signed the COMPACT Act Emergent Suicide Crisis Benefit into law to remove financial and administrative barriers to emergency suicide crisis care. Three years later, it was implemented by the VA, but many eligible veterans remain unaware of the benefit until they need it, veteran advocates and suicide prevention professionals told Military Times.

A lifeline beyond VA’s doors

The Emergency Suicide Crisis Benefit was established under the Commander John Scott Hannon Veterans Mental Health Care Improvement Act, or COMPACT Act. Coverage includes emergency evaluation, treatment, inpatient or crisis residential care when clinically appropriate, and up to 90 days of outpatient follow-up care.

According to data provided by VA, nearly 50,000 veterans have received the Emergency Suicide Crisis Benefit since fiscal 2023, including just over 10,000 in fiscal 2023. 14,666 receieved the benefit in fiscal 2024; 15,218 in fiscal 2025; and 9,434 during the first half of fiscal 2026.

“The number of Veterans receiving the COMPACT Act’s Emergent Suicide Crisis Benefit has grown steadily since its inception in FY23,” VA Press Secretary Quinn Slaven said.

VA spent a record of nearly $110 million on acute suicide crisis care during fiscal 2025.

Slaven said VA reviews eligible cases to ensure veterans receive the benefit, educates veterans and community emergency department staff about its availability and works with providers so eligible veterans do not receive unexpected medical bills after crisis care.

According to VA, 72% of veterans who have used the benefit have since enrolled in VA healthcare.

Misconceptions persist

Despite growing use of the benefit, the Disabled American Veterans, or DAV, organization says many eligible veterans still misunderstand who qualifies for emergency suicide crisis care.

“DAV believes awareness of the safety net created by the COMPACT Act remains lower than it should be,” Jon Retzer, DAV’s national legislative director, said.

Retzer said DAV service officers routinely meet veterans who believe they must already be enrolled in VA healthcare, have a service-connected disability rating or seek treatment at a VA medical center before the benefit applies.

“Many veterans remain uncertain whether an emergency room visit will generate medical debt or whether VA will ultimately cover the care,” Retzer said. “That uncertainty can discourage veterans from seeking treatment during a crisis when immediate intervention is critical.”

Retzer urged veterans experiencing a suicidal crisis to seek emergency care first and allow VA to determine eligibility afterward.

Army Reserve Prevention Integrator David Arthur said those same misconceptions continue to surface in his work, particularly among older veterans.

He said distance from a VA medical center can create uncertainty because many rural veterans live an hour or more away, while nearby outpatient clinics do not provide emergency services.

“When they are in a crisis, in my experience with suicidal soldiers and vets, they are not even thinking about that,” Arthur said. “But those thoughts are huge barriers, especially the cost.”

“I want every vet to know they can go to any ER or hospital,” Arthur continued.

Returning to care

Hull completed the full 90 days of follow-up care available through the benefit before enrolling in VA healthcare.

“I don’t know if I could have afforded the treatment I received after that night without the VA,” Hull said. “And I don’t know that I’d be enrolled with the VA now without the care I experienced.”

“I wish so many of my brothers and sisters knew that this was an option,” Hull said. “It doesn’t matter if you have insurance. It doesn’t matter if you’re a patient in the VA system. None of that matters. There are no strings attached. No barriers to being seen. This is a gift that every veteran needs to know they’re eligible for.”

The legislation seeks to end a decades-old offset that forces many combat-injured medically retired veterans to forfeit a portion of their retirement pay for every dollar they receive in VA disability compensation. Supporters have long argued the policy amounts to penalizing service members for injuries sustained in combat, calling it a “Wounded Veteran Tax.”

Then Congress introduced a revised version of the legislation in March 2025.

When the Congressional Budget Office evaluated H.R. 2102, the current version of the Major Richard Star Act, its new cost estimate projected the bill would increase direct spending to $78.1 billion over 10 years, roughly $68 billion more than CBO’s estimate for the bill’s 2023 predecessor.

The revised estimate transformed the conversation surrounding one of Congress’ most broadly supported veterans bills and prompted a question that still remains unresolved:

What changed between the 2023 and 2025 versions of the Richard Star Act to increase the projected cost so dramatically?

The answer isn’t simply a larger number. It lies at the intersection of legislative drafting, statutory interpretation, DoD actuarial data and congressional budget scoring, where even subtle changes can reshape both the projected cost of legislation and its political future.

Two provisions with a $65 billion price tag

CBO’s explanation points to two provisions it concluded were added to H.R. 2102 that were not included in H.R. 1282.

The first would make Chapter 61 military retirees with fewer than 20 years of service eligible for Concurrent Retired and Disability Pay (CRDP), a benefit generally limited under current law to military retirees who completed at least 20 years of service. CBO estimated that provision alone would increase direct spending by approximately $63 billion over the 2026–2036 period.

The second provision would remove an existing cap on CRDP payments for Chapter 61 retirees with at least 20 years of service, adding another estimated $2 billion.

Together, CBO concluded those two provisions accounted for roughly $65 billion of the increase between the previous and current versions of the legislation.

For years, supporters understood the Richard Star Act as legislation intended to restore concurrent receipt for approximately 54,000 combat-injured Chapter 61 retirees whose military retired pay is reduced because they also receive VA disability compensation.

Its estimated cost, roughly $10 billion over a decade, was substantial but comparatively modest within the context of major veterans legislation. Then the revised estimate changed the conversation.

A different understanding of the revisions

Congressional staffers in Sen. Blumenthal’s office involved in developing both H.R. 1282 and H.R. 2102 understood the revisions differently than CBO ultimately interpreted them, explaining that the legislative revisions were intended to address a narrow gap affecting approximately 1,124 combat-injured Chapter 61 retirees who remained excluded under previous versions of the bill. Under that understanding, the intended affected population would increase from roughly 54,000 to about 56,000 veterans.

CBO reached a different conclusion.

Its estimate states that approximately 255,000 Chapter 61 retirees with fewer than 20 years of service would become eligible for concurrent receipt under H.R. 2102. That broader interpretation accounts for nearly the entire increase between the previous estimate and the March 2025 score.

CBO has reaffirmed its estimate, explaining that it evaluated the statutory changes contained in H.R. 2102 using population data provided by the Department of Defense’s Office of the Actuary, which identified the class of retirees CBO concluded would become newly eligible under the legislation.

The result is a striking disconnect between Congress’ stated intent and CBO’s interpretation of the revised bill. Military Times also asked the Department of Defense about its role in providing information used during CBO’s analysis. DoD did not respond by publication.

The stakes

For the combat-injured retirees who have spent years advocating for the Richard Star Act, the legislation has never been about budget estimates. It has been about restoring military retired pay they argue they earned through their service and sacrifice. But in Congress, budget scores influence legislative prospects.

CBO has explained how it arrived at its estimate. What remains unclear is why congressional offices involved in drafting the revisions believed the legislation would affect roughly 56,000 combat-injured retirees while CBO concluded the revised language would extend eligibility to a much broader population.

That difference transformed a bill long understood to carry a price tag of about $10 billion into legislation projected to cost $78.1 billion over a decade, fundamentally altering its prospects in Congress.

Before her death in 2024, in an interview with Wounded Warrior Project, Tonya Star, widow of Maj. Richard Star, reflected on what passage of the legislation would mean to the veterans and families it was designed to help:

“It’s not just a rubber stamp; this will affect their day-to-day life and help them provide for their families… This would be their win.”