{"id":44191,"date":"2021-08-26T09:00:00","date_gmt":"2021-08-26T09:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/one.sightlinemg.com\/armytimes\/uncategorized\/2021\/08\/26\/heres-how-biden-could-mitigate-damage-done-by-the-afghan-withdrawal\/"},"modified":"2026-08-07T23:26:42","modified_gmt":"2026-08-07T23:26:42","slug":"heres-how-biden-could-mitigate-damage-done-by-the-afghan-withdrawal","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/one.sightlinemg.com\/armytimes\/opinion\/commentary\/2021\/08\/26\/heres-how-biden-could-mitigate-damage-done-by-the-afghan-withdrawal\/","title":{"rendered":"Here\u2019s how Biden could mitigate damage done by the Afghan withdrawal"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Historians will have time to sort through the evidence and apportion blame for the tragic end<\/a> to America\u2019s 20-year military intervention in Afghanistan. There is enough blame<\/a> to share among four presidential administrations. But U.S. policymakers do not have the luxury of time. They must act quickly to mitigate the damage done to America\u2019s global credibility and alliance leadership.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The rapid collapse of the Kabul government after the non-conditions-based withdrawal of our troops has jeopardized credible deterrence globally. U.S. President Joe Biden must now lead a multinational effort with allies to limit the damage.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Recovering from this crisis will not be easy and will require bold moves on multiple fronts. The effort will need to start in Afghanistan but must be global in nature. Those initiatives need to be fully coordinated with America\u2019s European and Asian allies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

First, the Taliban cannot be allowed to undermine the current multinational evacuation effort or to revert to the harsh practices of their previous rule without paying a painful price. Thus far the Taliban seem to be cooperating with the evacuation of non-Afghans, but tension could arise<\/a> as the Aug. 31 withdrawal deadline approaches. Similarly, the viability of Taliban promises of inclusive government, amnesty and respect for women\u2019s rights remain to be seen. The United States and its allies still retain considerable economic, diplomatic and military leverage, and should use it to set limits for Taliban behavior.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Second, a new allied approach is needed to deal with international terrorism. For the past decade, the U.S. has led an ad hoc global coalition to defeat ISIS, which has proven remarkably successful. But just as the U.S. turned the challenge of ensuring that Afghanistan did not again become a sanctuary for international terrorists over to NATO, so it should now institutionalize this counterterrorism campaign as a formally declared NATO operation, with command and control provided by the alliance\u2019s integrated military command and political oversight directly by the North Atlantic Council in Brussels.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg has already warned the Taliban that the alliance will not allow international terrorists safe harbor, and the Taliban responded by executing an ISIS leader. Prioritizing a new NATO counterterrorism operation should be a major pillar in NATO\u2019s new strategic concept. This initiative will ensure that our allies and partners remain fully engaged in ensuring that the original objectives of our collective efforts in Afghanistan and elsewhere are not forfeited.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Next, Russia cannot be allowed to misinterpret Biden\u2019s withdrawal from Afghanistan as a lack of will to confront aggression in Europe. Such misinterpretations have led to war. To regain credible deterrence, Biden should strengthen the U.S. force posture in the front-line Baltic and Black Sea regions. For example, Biden might deploy a brigade combat team, or BCT, on a persistent rotational basis in the Baltic states. That move would reinforce the four NATO battlegroups deployed in the region. It would also bring the number of BCTs in Europe back up to four \u2014 the level of the early Obama years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In addition, Romania\u2019s navy should be strengthened to begin offsetting Russia\u2019s marked naval advantage in the Black Sea. Bringing Ukraine and Georgia into the alliance will be under consideration, and at a minimum those militaries need further strengthening.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In parallel, NATO should initiate a set of confidence-building and arms-control initiatives with Russia to present Moscow with a balanced approach, consistent with its long-standing commitment to the deterrence and engagement \u201ctwin pillars\u201d of the 1967 Harmel Report.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fourth, America and its global allies need to design a consolidated front to meet the array of challenges posed by China. Weakened American credibility in Asia<\/a> needs to be reversed. This is particularly dangerous because America\u2019s commitments to Taiwan and to freedom of navigation in the South China Sea are somewhat vague, as was the commitment to Afghanistan\u2019s government.<\/p>\n\n\n\t