“This is the first rotation in the 15-year history of the program to be certified as a MAGTF, and that’s a big deal,” Col. George Flynn, commanding officer of MRF-D 2026, explained to Defense News.

Flynn noted that being certified validates the MAGTF’s credibility and proficiency because, if called upon, a commander “knows the force is going to be able to accomplish all those tasks it’s assigned as part of its task order to facilitate operations in the theater.”

“What makes it special purpose is just the uniqueness of how it’s placed here in Darwin in support of the Pacific theater,” Flynn continued. “We’re responsible for being ready for the full spectrum of operations from full-scale combat to humanitarian assistance and disaster relief.”

This certification process was completed in early May during an exercise in the Philippines, making “an incredible statement” on its ability to respond to crises.

Flynn said MRF-D is authorized to have 2,500 personnel, but he typically has around 2,000 in his SPMAGTF. They arrived in Darwin in March, with his task force including, among others, the California-based 1/5 Marines and MV-22B Ospreys from the Hawaii-based VMM-268.

High tempo

Flynn pointed out that “the Marine Corps, we always seek to deploy”.

MRF-D has maintained a heavy operational tempo, with the commander saying personnel had traveled to six or seven different countries to date.

“We’re busy, but Marines are having a great time. For this deployment, we’ve had 13 planned operations, activities, investments or exercises,” Flynn said. “We’ve been in the Philippines, we have forces in Indonesia right now, and we have forces that are getting ready to go to Tahiti to do training with the French. And we’ve certainly been all over the Australian continent.”

The latter includes major exercises with the Australian Army’s Darwin-based 1st Brigade and Townsville-based 3rd Brigade. Operating with the 1st Brigade is particularly helpful to both parties, since that formation now specializes in littoral warfare.

“We get to share good practices,” Flynn noted. “We have a great relationship with 1st Brigade.”

Asked about difficulties operating in such far-flung locations, often simultaneously, Flynn acknowledged, “It’s a good challenge to have. It allows us to demonstrate our ability to be distributed, and how well we can achieve operational reach throughout the region.

“I think it goes to demonstrate that, where needed, Marines can show up and provide the support that Marines are capable of providing.”

He said the SPMAGTF’s expeditionary mindset, its ability to get to locations quickly and to sustain itself, has “really been eye-watering to watch.” Flynn noted formations typically “spend their workup getting to their max level of readiness and then, once that deployment starts, that readiness starts to degrade over time.”

However, this is not the case with MRF-D, as “we have the unique ability to gain and maintain readiness throughout the deployment,” he said. This is due in part to “the expansive training areas throughout the continent that give us some wonderful opportunities to be most ready when called upon.”

Capability growth

“We have a robust C2 [command-and-control] capability down to our supporting elements as well, and we’ve been able to work with those systems and demonstrate … the ability to go up and down on different communication systems using satellite capabilities down to high-frequency capabilities and the like,” Flynn told Defense News. “At no point have I ever felt challenged with being able to command and control the force based on the capabilities that we’re working with.”

The Marine Corps continues to evolve for modern combat, too.

“Our Sec War has been adamant about increasing capabilities of the force with regards to small UAS [unmanned aerial systems] and first-person-view, one-way attack drones. We’ve had the opportunity to experiment with those systems out here, and you saw some of that at the counter-landing live-fire in the Philippines,” Flynn said. “So, we’re definitely using those. We’ve also used others like logistics-based unmanned aerial systems to facilitate movement of logistical requirements throughout the training areas here in Australia.”

However, he noted the Marine Corps “is actively still working through to increase capabilities” in counter-drone systems.

Perhaps one of the biggest helps to the SPMAGTF would be more assets for “lift and the ability to move the force around the theater,” Flynn shared.

Nevertheless, he said, “I’m beyond happy with what we’ve been able to demonstrate with our operational reach, and I think it’s just the opportunities that exist to further achieve interoperability with our allies and partners with moving the force around the theater is something that we should continue to look at going forward”.

Positive vibes

Asked about what he has gained from leading the deployment, Flynn said, “Every day, I get a chance to lead all these Marines and sailors that are under my command, and how they generally seem to understand their purpose, and they operate with happy hearts out here.

“The relationships we’ve built with the Australians and with other nations, allies and partners we’ve got a chance to work with — and just a demonstration of what it means to be a MAGTF operating in the Pacific theater — has just been really powerful for me personally.”

Flynn said MRF-D has contributed to a free and open Indo-Pacific theater.

“I think our presence, our posture and our ability to demonstrate that we can get into locations and be responsive to countries in need facilitates that free and open Indo-Pacific. All countries in this area have their own sovereignty and we respect that, and we stand by to support and protect that sovereignty as required.”

Each MRF-D deployment lasts six months. The current one ends in October, just before the wet season arrives in northern Australia.

Department of War Undersecretary for Policy Elbridge Colby made the remarks in Manila on Monday amid growing concerns that China has been narrowing the gap — or eclipsing — U.S. military capabilities, as its demands in the Middle East have potentially drained stockpiles.

“There’s been a lot of news about the United States military being stretched. Please don’t be misinformed,” Colby told Manila’s defense and security elites at a closed-door event organized by the Stratbase Institute think tank.

“The United States military, and especially including those [maritime and aerospace] capabilities, are ready and capable of filling the priority missions that the president has given to them,” Colby said.

Colby, one of the Pentagon’s leading strategists, has pushed to prioritize the Indo-Pacific and East Asia over the Middle East and Europe. The Manila stop is the first in a week-long Southeast Asian tour that includes visits to Indonesia, Thailand and Cambodia.

His visit also comes amid an increasingly tense period between Manila and Beijing following a confrontation in Second Thomas Shoal on July 20, when Chinese personnel hit and wounded a Philippine Navy sailor in the head.

The incident triggered another tit-for-tat between Manila and Beijing over the contents of a highly classified “provisional agreement” reportedly signed in 2024 that allows Philippine vessels to safely deliver supplies to troops stationed aboard the BRP Sierra Madre floating outpost.

After last month’s incident, officials noted that China has appeared more assertive, indicating a shift in how China perceives the implications of the mutual defense treaty.

Tensions have also intensified as China has routinely deployed carrier strike groups in the West Philippine Sea, and last month, fired a submarine-launched ballistic missile toward the Pacific.

While military deterrence forms one component of the U.S. strategy in the Indo-Pacific, Washington is employing a “strategy of strong, clear, but quiet” action designed to address the challenge without altering the status quo, according to Colby.

“In terms of our relationship with China, I think we’ve been able to communicate…our approach directly to Chinese counterparts,” Colby said.

“We combine a clear diplomatic line, a policy of respect towards the People’s Republic [of China], clarity about…our being in favor of the status quo, along with…strength in terms of being willing to defend our interests and those of our allies like the Philippines,” he added.

Apart from strengthening the U.S.’ forward posture and fielding combat-credible forces, Colby noted that measures are being set up, albeit quietly, to allow for the U.S. to come to the Philippines’ aid.

Colby described the U.S. approach to the region as “defensive” and “aligns with the interests of regional states.”

“We’re not trying to dominate this whole region. It’s a strategy of denial, designed to deny any state the ability to become the regional hegemon,” Colby said.

The visit comes a week after the Pacific Command and the Philippine armed forces signed an eight-point partnership plan for 2027, which includes an undisclosed series of joint military exercises, and before President Xi Jinping’s state visit to the U.S. in September.

“If you are trying to project power, whoever you are, into the aerospace and maritime environment in the Indo-Pacific, you are going to come up against the very best military in the world at its apex predator status,” Colby concluded.

Seeking to counter concerns about Washington’s reliability, Elbridge Colby, undersecretary of Defense for Policy, reiterated the U.S. interest in the region as he called for greater burden-sharing and “partnership, not dependency.”

“America is definitely not disengaging from Asia,” Colby said in a speech in Manila. “We are not leaving; in fact, we are digging in, to ensure a favourable balance of power where it matters most.”

The Philippines, the United States’ oldest treaty ally in Asia, is the first stop on a Southeast Asian trip that also will take Colby to Indonesia, Thailand and Cambodia.

Colby said maintaining a favorable balance of power in the Indo-Pacific required a “posture of deterrence by denial along the First Island Chain” and pointed to what he said was a growing U.S. military commitment in the region.

The First Island Chain refers to an area stretching from Japan down to Taiwan, the Philippines and Borneo.

The strategy could not rest on American forces alone, he said, arguing that allies should invest more in their security.

“When we ask our allies and partners to step up, to invest more in their own defense, and to take responsibility for their own sovereign security, we are not signaling abandonment,” Colby said. “We are looking for partners, not protectorates.”

“When our partners are strong, deterrence is strong,” he added.

“The international community is facing its greatest trial since World War II and [is] entering a new era of crisis,” the document warned. “It cannot be ruled out that a serious situation similar to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine may occur in the Indo-Pacific region in the future, particularly in East Asia.”

China, Russia and North Korea are fingered as culprits.

In fact, Japan’s 2026 Defense White Paper noted China presents “the greatest strategic challenge,” also citing Beijing’s growing concordance with Moscow in joint exercises as an alarming trend.

After studying Ukraine and developments in modern warfare, the document highlighted necessary solutions such as renewed focus on lower-cost systems; innovations in research, development and production; increased production; and stockpiling of materiel.

Japan is acquiring a large number of low-cost, unmanned vehicles in the air, sea and underwater domains. These unmanned systems will help establish what it calls the Synchronized, Hybrid, Integrated and Enhanced Littoral Defense, or SHIELD, by Fiscal Year 2027.

The paper highlighted how Japan’s indigenous defense industry is increasingly important. However, some companies like Komatsu and Mitsui have already abandoned or downsized their involvement in the defense sector.

Tokyo believes increased spending will help reinforce the military-industrial complex, but it wants industrial innovation to develop military equipment in response to rapid changes in combat. The industrial base also needs to be scalable to meet Japanese requirements, the paper says.

Likewise, Japan is strengthening defense equipment cooperation internationally, with the most obvious fruit being Australia’s decision to buy Upgraded Mogami-class frigates.

The white paper reiterated that the Japan-U.S. alliance remains its “cornerstone” relationship.

However, Grant Newsham, senior research fellow at the Japan Forum for Strategic Studies, highlighted Japan’s “decades of pathological dependence on the Americans to take care of Japan’s defense,” and its “so-called pacifist mindset and contrived constitutional prohibitions on an effective defense force” as challenges needing to be overcome.

Nonetheless, the paper asserted, by FY 2027, the country “will strengthen its defense capability to the point where Japan is able to take primary responsibility for dealing with invasions against its nation, and disrupt and defeat such threats with the support of its ally and others.”

Tokyo has already achieved 2% defense spending as a proportion of GDP, and it is seeking a record JPY8.9 trillion, or $56.1 billion USD, defense budget next year.

This budget request, likely to rise further, will be submitted at the end of August.

“Ukraine really spurred Japanese awareness — figuring that Taiwan was next, with everything that would portend for Japan’s security,” Newsham told Defense News. “This has not, however, translated into a Japan Self-Defense Force that’s organized and capable of fighting a war.”

Defence Minister Richard Marles made the announcement on Aug. 6 while attending the multinational fighter exercise Pitch Black 2026 in Darwin.

Marles said the JATM will allow the Royal Australian Air Force “to strike at a longer range, deter any adversary and protect our national interests.”

Australia and the U.S. are alarmed at growing threats from China, whose air force is fielding long-range missiles such as the PL-15 and the even larger PL-17.

With aging missile types like the incumbent AIM-120 AMRAAM now outclassed by their Chinese equivalents, the AIM-260 is designed to restore order.

Canberra will splash out A$736 million — around $520 million USD — on an unspecified quantity of AIM-260s through the Foreign Military Sales process.

On March 17, the U.S. had approved the sale of up to 450 JATMs with an estimated price tag of $3.16 billion USD. Given that the recently announced order costs significantly less than this sum, Australia is presumably purchasing well under 100 missiles in this first tranche.

The AIM-260 will be integrated first onto the RAAF’s F/A-18F Super Hornet fleet, followed by the F-35A and then the EA-18G Growler. Another future Australian candidate is likely to be the MQ-28A Ghost Bat unmanned combat aircraft, which test-fired an AMRAAM last December.

Lockheed Martin’s secretive munition is a GPS-aided air superiority missile with increased range and effectiveness compared to existing U.S. air-to-air weapons. There have still been no official photos released of the missile.

The JATM’s capabilities — such as its range, propulsion and seeker — remain heavily classified. Its range is likely to be at least 120 miles — quite possibly more — which is far superior to the incumbent AIM-120 AMRAAM. Its form factor is similar to the AMRAAM’s to ensure it fits inside the weapon bays of existing fighters.

Australia said in a statement that the AIM-260 “will provide air force platforms with a credible deterrent against airborne targets, complementing existing air-to-air missile capabilities and other surface-based missile capabilities across the Australian Defence Force.”

Minister for Defence Industry Pat Conroy described JATMs as “some of the most sophisticated air-to-air weapons in the world, and Australia will be the first country to operate them outside the U.S.”

However, it will take years — not before 2033, according to some reports — until the JATM reaches Australian hands and is bolted onto RAAF Super Hornets.

Australia’s acquisition also opens the door for other Indo-Pacific air forces to procure the JATM in the future, especially given the widespread adoption of the F-35 by close U.S. allies in the region.

Here is what is known about the growing military ties:

THE LATEST REPORTS

A North Korean missile unit has begun deploying to western Russia and could be equipped with up to 120 ballistic missiles and six launchers for attacks on Ukraine, an official at Ukraine’s GUR military intelligence agency said.

The unit comprises about 90 North Korean personnel and is expected to be based in Russia’s Voronezh region, the official said. The United States is aware of the North Korean deployment, a source familiar with the issue told Reuters.

Forty North Korean missiles have already been supplied, at least two of which were launched at Ukraine last week during a deadly strike, the Ukrainian official said.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said in July that Russia wanted to bring in 30,000 North Korean troops and was preparing facilities in Voronezh to receive them.

Reuters could not independently verify that statement.

HOW MANY NORTH KOREAN TROOPS WERE SENT TO RUSSIA IN 2024?

North Korea sent around 14,000 to 15,000 soldiers to Russia’s Kursk region, according to Ukrainian and South Korean estimates, helping Moscow’s forces repel a surprise Ukrainian ground incursion.

Russia and North Korea confirmed in April 2025 that North Korean troops had fought Ukrainian forces in Kursk.

Russia’s top military commander praised their role after Moscow said it had retaken Kursk territory, while Pyongyang said the deployment was ordered by leader Kim Jong Un.

The Ukrainian official said this month that around 9,500 North Korean troops remained in Kursk, but were not directly involved in operations against Ukraine.

WHAT OTHER PERSONNEL HAS NORTH KOREA SAID IT WILL PROVIDE?

In June 2025, Russian Security Council Secretary Sergei Shoigu said North Korea would send 1,000 sappers and 5,000 military construction workers to Kursk to clear mines and help rebuild infrastructure damaged in the fighting.

That same month, South Korean lawmakers, citing a briefing by the National Intelligence Service, said that North Korea appeared to have begun recruiting personnel for an additional deployment to Russia, while continuing to supply Russia with artillery ammunition and missiles in exchange for economic cooperation and technical assistance.

It remains unclear how many engineers, deminers or additional troops have arrived in Russia, or whether they have been used in combat roles.

WHAT WEAPONS HAS NORTH KOREA PROVIDED?

North Korea has supplied Russia with millions of artillery and mortar rounds, ballistic missiles, long-range artillery and multiple-launch rocket systems, according to Ukrainian and independent assessments.

A Reuters analysis with the British-based Open Source Centre found four Russian-flagged cargo ships made 64 voyages to North Korea’s Rajin port between September 2023 and March 2025, transporting nearly 16,000 containers of ammunition to Russian ports.

Ukrainian officials said North Korea was supplying about half of the munitions Russia needed on the front lines.

Ukraine’s military intelligence agency said that North Korea had delivered 4 million artillery shells since mid-2023, excluding mortar rounds. It said North Korea had supplied 148 KN-23 and KN-24 ballistic missiles by the start of 2025.

WHY IS NORTH KOREA HELPING RUSSIA?

Russian President Vladimir Putin and North Korean leader Kim signed a comprehensive strategic partnership treaty during Putin’s June 2024 visit to Pyongyang. The pact includes a mutual assistance provision if either country faces external aggression.

North Korea has cast its deployment as assistance to a treaty partner. Kim said in May 2025 that participation in the war was justified as an exercise of North Korea’s sovereign rights in defense of a “brother nation.”

Analysts say Pyongyang stands to gain hard currency, oil and other economic support, as well as access to Russian military technology and battlefield experience for its forces and weapons.

North Korean soldiers have gained combat exposure to drones, electronic warfare, artillery coordination and modern battlefield tactics, while its missile and ammunition makers have been able to assess their equipment in wartime conditions.

THE INTERNATIONAL REACTION

The United States and its allies have said the troop deployments and arms transfers violate U.N. Security Council resolutions on North Korea.

Pyongyang has been subject to U.N. sanctions since 2006 over its nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programs. The sanctions prohibit countries from hosting North Korean trainers, advisers or other officials for military, paramilitary or police training.

Washington imposed additional sanctions in December 2024 on North Korean and Russian entities connected to Pyongyang’s military and financial support for Moscow. South Korea also blacklisted individuals and entities linked to illicit military cooperation between the two countries.

NATO has said Russia’s growing military and economic ties with North Korea, China and Iran pose a threat beyond Europe, extending to the Indo-Pacific and North America.

The 10-day annual Han Kuang exercise began early in the morning after an underground command center in Taipei issued the drill order, triggering combat-readiness moves that will include fighter-jet dispersals and emergency naval deployments, two senior Taiwan officials briefed on the matter told Reuters.

Taiwan will also incorporate for the first time a so-called “backbrief” approach modeled on U.S. military practice, in which junior officers receiving orders restate mission details to commanders — a move aimed at improving coordination, the officials added, requesting anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter.

The move, one of the officials said, is to “ensure commanders and subordinates are in sync on operational intent.”

The drill will also focus on a key wartime concern: that China, which claims Taiwan as its own despite the island’s objections, would try to paralyze command centers, ports, logistics and defense industry sites early in an attack.

China’s defense ministry did not respond to a request for comment. China has never renounced the use of force to bring Taiwan under its control.

Wartime Relocation

Held annually since 1984, the drills will include for the first time the deliberate slowing of mobile internet speeds to test how civilians would communicate if bandwidth became scarce.

The military will simulate the wartime relocation of a major arsenal, mobilize civilian factories and run escort drills off Taiwan’s Pacific coast, as concern grows that Beijing may be rehearsing how to sever the island’s Pacific supply lines from allies as Chinese military pressure intensifies.

“These are all part of a series of toughening exercises — this is no longer a laboratory-like exercise in a vacuum,” said a third senior official, speaking on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the operation.

“You are entering a real field environment, facing real bottom-line conditions. We hope the final phase of training reaches that state,” the defense official said.

That is part of Taiwan’s ongoing effort to make its exercises more realistic, following past criticism that some drills were too highly staged.

Resilience Drills

The effort has included resilience drills testing how local officials would keep the government running during cascading crises, from earthquakes to a Chinese invasion.

“If the situation does not match the original enemy scenario, what should he do? How should he reassess, readjust, and quickly issue orders?” the defense official said, referring to field commanders who will be tested with “unexpected scenarios” during the drills, which end on Aug. 14.

The drills will also mobilize more than 20,000 reservists.

On the sports field of a Taipei high school on Wednesday, dozens of reservists gathered to practice using mortars and taking up rifle positions.

The military will also introduce an “embedded reporter” mechanism to assess wartime frontline news releases and efforts to counter enemy disinformation, the officials said.

“The emphasis will be on how our entire population, the Republic of China as a whole — especially our citizens — should face war,” the defense official said, using Taiwan’s official name.

Called the Guardian Angel, the four-wheeled UGV has already completed live-fire testing.

Thales Australia worked with two other Australian firms to create the new system. One was Chaos 1, which specializes in rapid assessments, prototyping and autonomous-system experimentation.

The second company was W&E Platt, which makes weapon mounts. Indeed, the Guardian Angel features its low-cost Remote Operated Weapon PLATTform, with an image showing the ROWP mounting a Dillon M134D Minigun.

Thales Australia said in a statement that this project showcases its “sovereign industrial strength, ability to meet the nation’s defense and security needs, and capacity to deliver and manufacture autonomous systems and solutions”.

The company said the project was driven by one aim: to keep Australian troops safe.

However, a spokesperson explained to Defense News, “The Guardian Angel is a prototype and wasn’t specifically built for market. It’s part of a program to test and strengthen our capability in autonomous systems and solutions.”

Nonetheless, its completion paves the way for future platforms, in which a containerized mission system could offer capabilities such as medical evacuation, troop support, cargo transport and fire support.

“UGVs can preserve soldiers by operating in high-risk environments while providing a clear tactical advantage, assisting operations on the battlefield,” Andrew Downes, vice president of Land Thales Australia, commented. “They offer scalable, agile, cost-effective capability that can increase operational reach without increasing risk to personnel.”

Meanwhile, Benny Johanson, Founder and CEO of Chaos 1, described the process as “rapid prototyping in true form — little time, extremely chaotic and high risk.“

“In just six weeks we moved from a concept graphic to live-fire demonstration, and many said it couldn’t be done,” Johanson said, adding that the Guardian Angel “proved the sheer horsepower industry can generate for the warfighter at speed.”

Australian industry has developed a number of UGV designs, and the army is actively experimenting with some of them. For instance, it is trialing M113AS4 armored personnel carriers converted into modular robotic vehicles by BAE Systems Australia.

BAE Systems Australia’s largest platform is the ATLAS 8×8, fitted with an unmanned turret and 25mm Bushmaster cannon. It is currently in a prototype demonstrator status.

The Australian Army has also tested the tracked Warfighter UGV from Cyborg Dynamics Engineering. The army is already using the Ground Uncrewed System, affectionately known as GUS and produced by Outlook Industries, for remote coastal surveillance.

A couple of attritable UGV platforms also being tested are GaardTech’s Jaegar-C and DefendTex’s Banshee, small vehicles that can carry kinetic payloads.

“We’re about to bring into the next exercise UGVs. We can practice breaching minefields, for example, with sacrificial UGVs that might drag a tube full of explosives across a minefield — and we can detonate that,” Brigadier Ben McLennan, commander of the Australian Army’s 3rd Brigade, recently told Defense News. “That’s just one application. There’s a raft of other applications we’re making.”

The Defense Ministry said that the maiden flight test intercepted a simulated high-speed, high-altitude aerial electronic target successfully, marking a “key milestone” in the program’s development. It was conducted Thursday from the A.P.J. Abdul Kalam Island off the coast of India’s eastern Odisha state.

Although India has developed short- and medium-range air defense systems, it relies heavily on Russia’s S-400 Triumf systems for long-range air defense. The Kusha, as the interceptor that was tested is called, could fill that gap.

“At present, the S-400 provides long-range coverage of about 400 kilometers, while the Barak-8 systems, co-developed with Israel provide shorter ranges of around 70 kilometers in our air defense. So there is a huge gap in between. Kusha will bridge this,” said Dinakar Peri, Fellow in the Security Studies Program at Carnegie India.

The project includes development of three variants with approximate ranges of 150 kilometers, 250 kilometers, and 350–400 kilometers. However, the official statement did not disclose the engagement range of the interceptor that was tested.

“The missile system is capable of neutralizing a wide variety of aerial threats including fighter jets, missiles, unmanned aerial vehicles and large enemy aircraft within a wide range & altitude envelope,” it said.

The test marked the first demonstration of New Delhi’s efforts to build an air-defense system that could eventually be counted in the same strategic class as Russia’s S-400 Triumf.

“The capability in developing long range surface-to-air missile systems is possessed only by a handful of nations. This will also eliminate the import dependency for such systems and signifies a giant leap in air defense capability of the nation,” Indian Defense Minister Rajnath Singh said following the test.

Analyst Peri pointed out that when validated, the variant with a range of 350 to 400 kilometers is expected to match the range of Russia’s S-400 and could complement the ones India has already deployed. The country’s long borders with Pakistan and China require wide coverage.

“The S-400 played a key role during the conflict with Pakistan last year and we have a good air defense architecture. But it may not be enough for the next potential conflict,” said Peri. “So the need is to scale up its existing long-range air defenses significantly, and this is where Kusha will play a key role. For India the reaction time, especially along the border with Pakistan, is very short, so the need is to have interceptors that can shoot down incoming aerial threats far away from population clusters.”

As India steps up its military modernization program, strengthening air defense has emerged as a priority amid the growing threats posed by drones, cruise missiles, long-range rockets and combat aircraft that are reshaping modern warfare. A $ 5.4 billion approval granted by the Defence Acquisition Council earlier this month for weapons and systems for the armed forces included counter-drone and layered air-defense capability.

New Delhi hopes that the missile system could eventually reduce its dependency on foreign systems significantly.

Following the test, the government said that all weapon system elements, including the missiles, radars and the command center, were developed in the country by the Defense Research and Development Organization and industry partners.

However India will remain reliant on foreign air defense systems for some years to come as the indigenous system still has to be validated with more trials and is only expected to be ready for operational deployment after three to four years. Earlier this year, India approved the acquisition of five additional S-400 Triumf air defense systems from Russia to reinforce its long range air defenses.

India continues to rank among the world’s largest defense importers but over the past two decades, it has intensified its push for self-reliance by expanding domestic development and production of advanced military technologies and hardware.

But on July 15, the U.S. House of Representatives passed a bill that includes $500 million in Foreign Military Financing for Taiwan, one in a chain of Pacific Rim allies that U.S. officials have long seen as a buffer against Chinese military expansion.

While the half-billion-dollar allocation in the 2027 fiscal year appropriations bill does not commit money to a particular arms package, analysts say it’s a sign that the Republican Party-dominated Congress values the defense of Taiwan in case China ever attacks with its larger armed forces, and that Washington intends to fulfill at least older arms purchase deals.

“This $500 million Foreign Military Funding demonstrates that Congress has not reduced its security support for Taiwan following the Trump-Xi meeting and reflects Congress’s desire to avoid long-term constraints on military aid to Taiwan due to White House negotiations with China through appropriations and delivery requirements,” said Huang Chung-ting, associate research fellow with the Institute for National Defense and Security Research in Taipei.

Trump’s signature, needed to pass the appropriations bill, would imply continued weapons sales of some kind despite the unknown fate of the $14 billion package, analysts said.

Foreign Military Financing – usually grants or loans – for U.S. allies abroad may technically go toward acquiring weapons, military training or other related services.

“Foreign military financing concerns how weapons are ultimately paid for but not whether the weapons are actually sold or transferred in the first place,” said Sean King, vice president of New York-based political consultancy Park Strategies.

Trump has not ostensibly withdrawn any previous but unfulfilled U.S. arms sales for Taiwan, meaning that the proposed congressional funding could go toward one of those, experts say. U.S. arms sales to Taiwan date back more than four decades and can take years before payments and delivery dates are settled. As of April, sales of 30 individual weapon types were partly unfulfilled, according to the Taiwan Security Monitor research initiative of the George Mason University’s Schar School of Policy and Government.

The most recent items appear in a $11.1 billion batch of weaponry fully approved by Washington in December. It includes M109A7 self-propelled howitzers, the high mobility artillery rocket system HIMARS, Javelin anti-tank missiles and unmanned attack aircraft systems. Taiwan’s Cabinet approved its own special budget in May to help pay for the purchases.

“My assessment is that while there was indeed a political pause after the Trump-Xi meeting, it was not a complete halt to arms sales to Taiwan, but rather (it) targeted new cases that had not yet received approval,” Huang said.

“This delay likely involved Trump’s negotiations with China, a review of weapons stockpiles and internal White House scrutiny, and cannot be explained by a single reason,” he said.

The appropriations bill still requires U.S. Senate review before it would go to Trump’s office.

China claims sovereignty over self-ruled Taiwan and has threatened to take the island by force, if needed. Over the past four years the People’s Liberation Army has increased the frequency of military exercises near Taiwan, often in the 160km (100 miles) strait separating them.

Trump said after his meeting with the Chinese president that withholding the arms deal was a “good negotiating chip.” But in June, the U.S. State Department reiterated long-standing policy that arms sales to Taiwan were not dependent on Beijing’s consent.

Experts anticipate a White House announcement on the $14 billion arms package only after Trump and Xi meet in September in the United States, as announced by Washington.

“It may be that Trump is delaying a public announcement until after Xi’s visit to avoid being the skunk who came to the garden party,” said Doug Barry, a professor at The George Washington University and a former communications director with the U.S.-China Business Council.

“It’s odd there has been no public announcement,” he said.