Eilat, Israel, traditionally a vacation hub located close to Egypt and Saudi Arabia, is now hosting the amphibious transport dock Portland, which in October transited the Strait of Hormuz with the 11th Marine Expeditionary Unit.

A Marine logistics battalion, rifle company, light armored reconnaissance company and a high mobility artillery rocket system, or HIMARS, platoon arrived with the group. The Marines will train with Israeli counterterrorism and other elite units, including the Maglan commando unit.

The Marines, assigned to Light Armored Reconnaissance Company, Battalion Landing Team 1/1, offloaded an LAV-25 from the Portland on Monday.

The drill is dubbed Israel Interoperability Exercise 21, and is led by the Israeli Defense Forces ground forces, involving around 500 personnel from the 11th MEU.

The U.S. described it as “a robust demonstration of both nations’ commitment to stability in the region.”

The exercise comes after the shift to CENTCOM area of operations from European Command ― and after increased joint F-35 drills, called Enduring Lightning, took place in 2020.

It was made possible in part by Israel’s new normalization and peace deals with Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates, where key U.S. forces are based for CENTCOM. This includes the Fifth fleet and air base at Al-Dhafra.

US Fifth Fleet, based in Bahrain, said the forces were from U.S. Naval Forces Central Command and are participating in the amphibious exercise.

The drill involves urban terrain operations and HIMARS alongside rapid maneuvering training, “as well as professional exchanges on various topics including engineering, medical and explosive ordinance disposal,” NAVCENT said in a statement.

NAVCENT said that the Task Force 51/5th Marine Expeditionary Brigade is leading U.S. participation in the three-week exercise.

“This exercise is part of the next chapter in the U.S. Navy’s and Marine Corps’ longstanding relationship with Israel that is so vital to stability and security in the region,” said Brig. Gen. Farrell Sullivan, commanding general of the task force.

An important time for Israel

The training comes at an important time for Israel, as the country has been increasing the number of joint drills it has with foreign countries.

During the Blue Flag exercise in the second half of October, air force assets from the U.K., U.S., Germany, Italy, Greece, France and India participated.

Photographs in Germany also appeared to show Jordan participating without public acknowledgement.

The commander of the United Arab Emirates Air Force, Maj. Gen. Ibrahim Nasser Mohammed Al Alawi, also came to the Blue Flag training. Along with Israel’s Air Force head Maj. Gen. Amikam Norkin, the commanders discussed developing cooperation and strengthening relations between the two air forces.

In early October, U.S. Fifth Fleet commander of Vice Admiral Brad Cooper also visited Israel. He met Israel Defense Minister Benny Gantz and Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Aviv Kohavi, as well as Vice Admiral David Saar Salama.

It was his second visit to Israel since May 2020. At the same time the U.S. destroyer O’Kane docked in Haifa, Israel.

In August, Israel and the U.S. Fifth Fleet conducted the first Noble Waters exercise in the Red Sea.

“During the exercise, the two navies practiced a variety of scenarios including defense and rescue operations,” Israel’s IDF said on Aug. 31. ”The exercise saw the two navies working side by side, learning together and strengthening the connection and familiarity of the two nations’ fleets.”

Two days after the announcement of the Noble Waters drill, Israel’s Kohavi spoke with CENTCOM head Gen. Frank McKenzie about Israel’s realignment to the new command.

The August maritime patrol included the Israeli navy corvette INS Eilat and the U.S. guided-missile cruiser Monterey.

They patrolled in the Gulf of Aqaba in what CENTCOM called a “milestone” in cooperation at the time.

This also comes at a time of increasing tensions in the region between Israel and Iran, and frequent discussions between Israel and the U.S. regarding Iran and other regional issues.

For instance, Israel and the U.S. have been working more closely with Greece in the Eastern Mediterranean.

On Nov. 2 Israel’s Defense Minister Benny Gantz spoke with Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin.

“I had an important discussion with my friend and partner Secretary of Defense Austin about US-Israel coordination vis-à-vis Iranian regional entrenchment and its nuclear aspirations,” Gantz said. “We agreed to meet soon to deepen our discussion on strategic issues and military cooperation.”

The Iran tensions were revealed Wednesday when Iran said it had prevented “piracy” against a fuel tanker, and claimed the U.S. had tried to interdict its oil exports.

Several days earlier, a U.S. Air Force B-1B Lancer had conducted a “presence patrol” with escorts from Israel, Bahrain, Egypt and Saudi Arabia. This came after the U.S. garrison at al-Tanf in Syria was targeted by Iranian drones.

Israel often uses airstrikes to target Iranian weapon shipments via Syria to Hezbollah in Lebanon.

As the Marines arrived in Eilat, Israel was also holding a nationwide drill focused on preparation for possible multifront war.

This could include facing off against thousands of rockets fired by Hezbollah.

The joint drill, which lasted until Thursday, included elements of Israel’s National Emergency Management Authority and the Home Front Command, together with the Israel police, fire and rescue authority and all government ministries.

The Maglan commando unit in Israel, known as unit 212, is an elite unit that conducts reconnaissance behind enemy lines.

It is part of Israel’s Commando Brigade, along with other elite units.

In 2018 more than 600 Marines trained with Israelis in Juniper Cobra on close urban combat and tunnel warfare operations.

After losing the trust and confidence of the Secretary of Defense, Navy Secretary Richard V. Spencer was asked Sunday to tender his resignation and exit the Pentagon.

In a prepared statement emailed to Navy Times, Pentagon spokesman Jonathan Hoffman said that Defense Secretary Mark T. Esper became concerned about Spencer’s “lack of candor over conversations with the White House involving the handling of Navy SEAL Eddie Gallagher,” an inside deal Spencer allegedly concocted with President Donald J. Trump.

Esper has asked Trump to consider Kenneth Braithwaite, the current U.S. ambassador to Norway and a retired Navy rear admiral, as the 77th Secretary of the Navy.

According to Hoffman, Esper and Army Gen. Mark A. Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, spoke with Trump on Friday about what had become a pivotal moment in the history of traditional civil-military relations.

The president had tweeted he would shield Special Warfare Operator Chief Edward “Eddie” Gallagher from what was widely perceived to be a punitive Trident Review Board set up by Rear Adm. Collin Green, the commander of Naval Special Warfare.

At issue was whether Green’s chosen panel could strip Gallagher of his coveted SEAL trident nearly five months after he was convicted at a July court-martial trial of posing in a photograph near a dead Islamic State prisoner of war.

Trump had intervened multiple times in Gallagher’s case, including restoring his chief’s anchors after he had been demoted to petty officer first class following his conviction.

Hoffman disclosed Sunday that Spencer was saying one thing in public about supporting Green’s pitch to let the process play out — a policy favored by Esper — but in reality he’d previously proposed to Trump to restore Gallagher’s pay grade and allow him to retire with his trident pin.

“When recently asked by Secretary Esper, Secretary Spencer confirmed that despite multiple conversations on the Gallagher matter, Secretary Esper was never informed by Secretary Spencer of his private proposal,” Hoffman said.

After all the drama of the past week, Esper now has decided to let Gallagher keep his trident.

He’ll meet with Chief of Naval Operations Adm. Mike Gilday and Navy Under Secretary Thomas Modly — now the acting secretary — to figure out how to move forward.

“I am deeply troubled by this conduct shown by a senior DOD official.” said Secretary Esper in the statement. “Unfortunately, as a result I have determined that Secretary Spencer no longer has my confidence to continue in his position. I wish Richard well.”

It’s unclear if Esper will halt similar proceedings against three officers tied to the Gallagher case.

Spencer’s spokesperson, Cmdr. Sarah Higgins, told Navy Times that Spencer would not be making a statement at this time on the latest revelations.

However, a letter of resignation dated Sunday and purported to have been signed by Spencer and distributed by CNN and other outlets tells a different story than the one pushed by the Pentagon.

Calling the need to preserve good order and discipline a “deadly serious business,” the letter indicates that Spencer had come to believe Trump didn’t share his perspective.

“I cannot in good conscience obey an order that I believe violates the sacred oath I took in the presence of my family, my flag and my faith to support and defend the Constitution of the United States,” the letter states.

Only moments after the release of Spencer’s resignation letter, however, Trump took to Twitter to give another version of the Sunday meltdown.

Noting his displeasure with the Navy’s handling of the Gallagher affair, Trump added his concerns about Spencer’s failure to address cost overruns and contracting problems from the former administration and then said that’s why Esper “terminated” his employment.

He thanked Spencer for his service and commitment but promised Gallagher “will retire peacefully with all of the honors that he has earned.”

The president added that he would nominate Braithwaite as the next Navy secretary.

“A man of great achievement and success, I know Ken will do an outstanding job!” Trump tweeted.

Plot twist: What none of the parties knew was that minutes before the Pentagon announced Esper’s decision, Gallagher told his attorney, Timothy Parlatore, that he had decided to voluntarily relinquish his trident for the good of the SEALs, the president and the country, believing that he unwittingly had become a lightning rod for criticism and partisan division.

Shortly after Gallagher told Parlatore to write the letter, his attorney received word that Esper had decided to let him retain the pin.

In fact, Navy Times had to scrap a story about the letter when the Pentagon statement arrived.

“This isn’t a twist any of us saw coming,” Parlatore told Navy Times. “From the beginning, my primary responsibility was to save Eddie Gallagher’s life, then to save his reputation, but Eddie Gallagher loves the Navy and he loves the SEAL teams. He’s been falsely accused of attacking the institution, but it’s an institution we both love and want to improve.

“With this personnel change, this institution will improve and no one will go through the ordeal Eddie went through. At the end of the day, the most important duty any of us have is protecting America.”

Parlatore added, “This case is completely bananas.”

Although Gallagher was accused of a string of war crimes tied to a 2017 deployment with Alpha Platoon, SEAL Team 7 — including the murder of a wounded Islamic State prisoner of war — a court-martial panel of his peers in July acquitted him of every charge except the one that the he never denied, posing next to a dead detainee alongside a dozen other service members who were never charged with any crimes.

Had the offense not appeared at a general court-martial trial, it likely would’ve been handled administratively, perhaps with little more than a verbal reprimand before Gallagher retired after two decades of service.

Instead, it was the legal flotsam left after the military jury washed away what was left of the Navy’s failed case against him.

Before Gallagher’s court-martial trial even kicked off, Navy judge Capt. Aaron Rugh sanctioned the prosecution for repeatedly violating Gallagher’s constitutional rights.

Part of Rugh’s punishment included booting Cmdr. Christopher Czaplak, the lead prosecutor, for his role in a warrantless surveillance program cooked up with Naval Criminal Investigative Service agents to track emails sent by defense attorneys and also to Navy Times.

They were accused of manipulating witness statements to NCIS agents; using immunity grants and a bogus “target letter” in a crude attempt to keep potential pro-Gallagher witnesses from testifying; illegally leaking documents to the media to taint the military jury pool; and then trying to cover it all up when they got caught.

In the end, the jurors recommended that Gallagher be demoted to petty officer first class, a verdict upheld by Chief of Naval Operations Adm. Mike Gilday but overturned by Trump.

In a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing Tuesday, Sen. Gary Peters, D-Mich., asked Army Secretary Mark Esper: Should he be confirmed as the next secretary of defense, would he align his foreign policy views more closely with former Defense Secretary James Mattis or President Trump ― as a rift between the two ultimately led to Mattis’s resignation late last year.

“I don’t know where to pick between the two,” Esper said. “But clearly, I share Secretary Mattis’s views, and I’ve expressed that publicly.”

The Pentagon has been without a full-fledged leader for more than seven months, since Mattis left the building citing disagreements over the importance of strong international alliances to U.S. national security.

“My views on treating allies with respect and also being clear-eyed about both malign actors and strategic competitors are strongly held and informed by over four decades of immersion in these issues,” Mattis wrote in his resignation letter.

Esper doubled down on those sentiments during the hearing, also echoing a willingness to resign that was laid down last week by Army Chief of Staff Mark Milley in his own confirmation hearing to become the next chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

“I’m fully committed to that,” Esper said of a diplomatic world order led by the U.S. “I think that is the one thing that’s certainly under threat, from Russia, and certainly China. I see the big picture, if you will.”

After Mattis’s exit, then-Deputy Defense Secretary Patrick Shanahan stepped up into the acting role, and was nominated to replace him permanently. But that plan fell apart in late June, when Shanahan resigned after allegations of domestic abuse surfaced in documents from his 2011 divorce, and Esper spent three weeks as acting defense secretary in his place.

Committee chairman Sen. James Inhofe, R-Okla., had expressed a goal to hold a vote on Esper’s nomination Thursday, but that could be delayed to next week if any senators plan to vote against Esper.

“Most of us were very discouraged by the resignation of Secretary Mattis,” Sen. Tim Kaine, D-Va., said. “And what we’ve hoped for is a successor who can show the same level of candor, and principle, and a willingness to remain independent even in the most challenging of circumstances.”

Lawmakers talked up Esper’s vast experience, from serving as an infantry officer on active duty, then in the National Guard and Army Reserve, as well as in national security at a D.C. think tank, as an executive at defense contractor Raytheon, at the Pentagon and on Capitol Hill.

“If you are confirmed, you will help oversee national security policy for a president whose temperament and management skills are challenging, and likely very different from your own,” Sen. Jack Reed, D-R.I., told Esper. “While I may not agree with the president on many issues, I do want him to be surrounded by leaders who can give thoughtful advice and counsel.”

Esper leaned on the National Defense Strategy, the much-lauded, bipartisan policy put together under Mattis, in his response.

“The goal is to deter war, and this can only be done with a strong, modern, and ready military that has overmatch in all domains,” Esper said. “Our adversaries must see diplomacy as their best option because war with the United States will force them to bear enormous costs.”

But lawmakers also expressed concern about 14 top Pentagon jobs that are still without a confirmed official, including currently the secretary and deputy secretaries of defense.

“I’m concerned that the Defense Department may be adrift in a way I have not seen in my whole time on Capitol Hill,” Reed said. “It is my hope that you will work with the White House to impress upon them the importance of filling these positions.”

Esper has a track record of rooting out waste, starting with dozens of hours spent combing through every Army program with Milley last summer. They adjusted some acquisitions and canceled others, adding up with $25 billion in savings.

And at the unit level, Esper released more than a dozen memos reducing non-mandatory training requirements and other administrative tasks for Army leaders in the field, after years of complaints about their burden on readiness ― up to and including the legendary weekend safety brief, and doing away with glowing PT unless soldiers were running on busy roads or at night.

“The bottom line is this: in an era of mounting fiscal challenges and competing demands, we must actively seek ways to free up time, money, and manpower to invest back into our top priorities,” he said.

And he answered for past actions as Army secretary ― like giving up $1 billion set aside for Army personnel funding to support President Trump’s border wall project.

“I think in many ways, it’s just one of those things we do — whether it’s putting out wildfires in California, helping with hurricane recovery in Texas or Puerto Rico, flooding along the Mississippi,” he said. “It’s one of those things we provide to other parts of the government, to the American people.”

But Reed fired back, asking Esper to recognize the distinction between providing manpower support and shuffling around funds ― funds that the Army had pleaded to Congress would be necessary to grow and support the Army.

Looking ahead, Esper shared some of the plans in the works to address aggression from Iran. That includes Operation Sentinel, he said, which has already been briefed to the Senate Armed Service Committee.

“Whereby we do passive patrolling, if you will, in the Strait of Hormuz, Gulf of Oman and the Persian Gulf, to deter any provocative acts by the Iranians or the [Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps].”

Lawmakers challenged Esper to a host of other commitments, including:

• Addressing the toxic effects of per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances, formerly used in a firefighting foam on bases that has seeped into ground water around military installations.
• The Fairness for Veterans Act, a 2017 initiative to streamline discharge upgrades for service members with a post-traumatic stress diagnosis that could have resulted in misconduct that got them separated from the military.
• Reforming military housing, both in management and in physical condition. Esper began this effort as Army secretary, following widespread reports of dangerous and unhealthy conditions at on-base housing facilities, largely ignored by the private corporations who manage them.
• Extending his recusal from working on deals with Raytheon, his former employer ― as he had during his time as Army secretary. Esper said that he intends to stay within legal and policy ethics regulations if working with Raytheon. Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., expressed concerns about corruption involving his relationship with Raytheon, and the possibility that he would return to a defense industry job following his time at the Pentagon.
• Sorting out what shape a Space Force, as a separate military service, will take.
• Making efforts to protect active duty service members and their families from being deported, as well as ensuring transitioning service members know how to apply for citizenship as veterans, if they have not already started the process.

“It’s obvious from listening to both sides of the aisle here, from my colleagues Sen. Kaine and also Chairman Inhofe, that based on their direct observation and work with you, both of them think you’re an all-star. I tend to agree …” Sen. Roger Wicker, R-Miss., told Esper. ” … you’re going to need to be an all-star.”

Such is the case with the fine dining at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, according to a series of recent Facebook posts that shine a light on a bevy of the base’s delectable menu choices.

In an effort to ensure our servicemen and women know the best dishes to satisfy the insatiable palate that protecting freedom induces, we explored the most mouthwatering five-star dishes “The Deid” has to offer.

1. SNUG AS A BUG

You may have had cereal before, but you’ve never had bug-infused cereal. Sprinkle some of these lucky charms on your bowl for extra protein, succulent flavor and — one could argue — spiritual fulfillment.

Scott knows what we’re talking about. “Nom nom nom nom,” he says.

2. THE LUCK OF THE IRISH

What could possibly be more representative of the Emerald Isle than beef stew? Green beef stew, of course. In Al Udeid, every day is St. Patrick’s Day. One bite from this generous course will leave your taste buds screaming “céad míle fáilte in my mouth!”

3. MY SORTA AORTA

There is American roast beef and then there’s Al Udeid roast beef, the pinnacle of sustenance. Served with full blown veins and arteries, you might look at your plate and think, “That’s a f—ing heart, dude.” But rest assured, the only heart in the equation will be yours, which will be busy fluttering as the pungent aroma possesses your very being.

Scrumptious!

4. OCS

No, not Officer Candidate School, but Oatmeal Chicken Surprise, because why devour a bland old bowl of oats for breakfast when — boom! — you can be punched in the face with a poultry revelation?

5. SLIMY YET SATISFYING

For the more health-conscious service member, try this lighter option and say “hakuna matata” while you rid yourself of all worries — and every bite of grub.

6. THE ROCK OF AGES

Have you, like so many, been dying to change your look to resemble one of those diseased greyscale, rock people on “Game of Thrones”? What better way to achieve success in the endeavor than eating actual rocks? It might be a tad crunchy, so wash it down with your favorite Rip It.

7. THE GREEN MILE

For those needing something quick and on-the-go, grab a sandwich that not only satisfies the meat and bread portions of the food pyramid, but greens as well. The splashing of olive drab in sandwiches is reminiscent of the camouflage uniforms donned by the service members devouring them.

But seriously, this is probably not good.

Help us, Upton Sinclair. You’re our only hope.

A “hackathon” will be held as part of the Air Force Information Technology and CyberPower Conference beginning in Montgomery on Monday.

Teams recruited from Maxwell-Gunter Air Force Base, participants in the Air Force’s National Youth Cyber Education Program and area students will collaborate on projects and present solutions during the conference.

A statement from the Montgomery Area Chamber of Commerce says the event marks the first time the Air Force and private-sector professionals have worked together in such a way to combat computer security issues.

Montgomery is concentrating on cyber programs and information technology as one path for economic development.

In a statement, Pentagon spokeswoman Dana W. White indicated Sunday’s attack, which occurred around 9 a.m. local time about 200 miles southwest of Mogadishu, was undertaken as part of the Trump administration’s goal to “systematically dismantle” al-Shabaab. It came in direct response to recent attacks on local forces, she said.

Separately, U.S. officials described the target as a command and logistics node located within one of al-Shabaab’s strongholds where the group has “cemented its control” and established the means to shelter other unidentified “radical terrorists.” Speaking to The Associated Press, Somali President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed said the operation occurred in Sakow, which is well inland and home to a terrorist training camp.

The Pentagon has come to view al-Shabaab with increasing concern, in large part because the group remains capable of carrying out deadly attacks on civilians and the alliance of African military forces fighting the group. Since late-2016, militants have overrun three bases in Somalia “by amassing large numbers of fighters and attacking in overwhelming numbers,” U.S. military officials said, growing its combat capability in the process by looting heavy weapons and small arms, armored vehicles and explosives.

U.S. officials won’t say precisely how many American troops are in Somalia now. The number is believed to be a few hundred.

But in a sign of how aggressively the U.S. military aims to address this threat, it recently dispatched a one-star Army general to coordinate the campaign there. Brig. Gen. Miguel A. Castellanos was hand selected by U.S. Africa Command chief Gen. Thomas Waldhauser “to help synchronize efforts between international military partners, pull various agencies together and develop momentum to change the dynamic of Somalia,” according to a news release announcing the shift. The Mogadishu Coordination Cell, as it’s called, is based at the city’s airport, it says.

And last month, Defense Secretary Jim Mattis signaled Washington’s willingness to consider deploying additional U.S. troops to Somalia should the troubled African nation seek greater military aid to combat al-Shabaab. At the time, no such request had been made by the Somali government, but Mattis’ openness about entertaining such a possibility highlights the Trump administration’s evolving perspective on how aggressively it should support indigenous forces willing to fight mutual adversaries.

The Pentagon’s strategy there, as with other regions where a lack of governance has allowed terror groups to take root, centers on training and advising — or “working by, with and through our allies,” as officials now characterize it. It also entails direct counter-terror assistance, a more-dangerous mission led by elite special operations forces. On May 5 it resulted in the first American combat deathin Somalia since the early 1990s.

Andrew deGrandpre is Military Times’ senior editor and Pentagon bureau chief. On Twitter: @adegrandpre

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Mattis addressed the Pentagon press corps to explain how the U.S.-led coalition has endeavored to meet President Donald Trump’s directive, issued at the beginning of his administration, to bring greater force to bear on ISIS in Syria and Iraq and, it is hoped, to disrupt the group’s ability to gain a foothold elsewhere. The secretary was flanked by his top general, Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Joseph Dunford, and the ISIS coalition’s presidential envoy, Brett McGurk.

The trio cited data points intended to showcase progress: more than 55 percent of ISIS territory has been retaken in Syria and Iraq; more than 4 million people have been liberated. “And not one inch of territory seized from ISIS has been recaptured by them,” they noted.

“Our strategic approach,” Dunford said, “is to cut the connectivity between ISIS affiliates and associates, … their illicit resources and their message. Our objective is to drive down ISIS’s capability to a point where local forces, with tailored support from the international community, are able to provide security. And we’re doing this today in Libya, Somalia and Syria, Yemen and Afghanistan.”

Yet despite their confident tone, some important questions remain.

It’s unclear, for instance, the extent to which U.S. troops will be needed long term. There are fewer than 10,000 Americans spread between Syria and Iraq, with thousands more deployed close by in Jordan and Kuwait. Mattis is said to be negotiating plans for leaving a residual force spread between various Iraqi military facilities, but he indicated Friday a desire to avoid an open-ended commitment in Syria where, combined with the Islamic State’s murderous tyranny, a ferocious civil war has displaced millions.

“I’m not willing to sign up for that. That’s not our intent,” Mattis replied when asked whether American personnel could remain in Syria indefinitely. “We’re there to drive ISIS to its knees. … There’s got to be a political solution to the larger issues there. It’s not going to be U.S. troops at the point of a gun making that happen.”

It’s also unclear when the group’s de facto capital in Raqqa might fall, an eagerly awaited development that would be seen as a symbolic victory for the coalition and a blow to ISIS given its ambition to establish a caliphate. Backed by U.S. military advisers and American firepower, thousands of Arab and Kurdish fighters have nearly encircled the city, but Mattis declined to offer an assessment beyond to say it will be difficult once local forces enter Raqqa, and that he intends to afford commanders the time they need to completely isolate those inside so they cannot flee.

“What will it look like when we say that we’ve got success?” Mattis said. “I think what we’ll see is the local security forces, police, that sort of organization that can handle it. … Police can’t handle a force that’s driving tanks and using artillery, or has thousands of fighters in mobile vehicles that allow them to range far and wide.”

And there’s also the matter of stabilizing these areas once ISIS is gone. Again, though, no easy answers.

Such planning is underway, McGurk said, but there is much that’s yet to be resolved. The focus, he said, is on low-cost, locally led projects that will enable displaced people to return home. Establishing local police forces will be an important piece of that, but so will restoring water and electricity.

“Stabilization is not nation building,” McGurk added, using a term that’s become synonymous with the mostly fruitless, years-long military occupations in Afghanistan and Iraq. “We’re not attempting to dictate political outcomes nor is it long-term reconstruction where projects are chosen by outsiders often with no connection to the local community, costing and often wasting billions of dollars.”

Like the Islamic State’s stronghold of Mosul in Iraq, Raqqa is heavily fortified and the coalition is bracing for a gritty, months-long fight through dense urban neighborhoods. After those cities are liberated, commanders will turn their attention to other areas where ISIS has amassed. In Syria, that includes a swath of territory stretching to the southeast from Deir el-Zour, through an open valley along the Euphrates River, to the Iraqi border town of al-Qaim.

Syria’s embattled president, Bashar al Assad, has indicated he intends to reassert government authority in that region, making the Russian military vitally important to ensure the anti-ISIS campaign can continue without interference, officials said. Russia and the U.S. have established deconfliction zones throughout the country. The phrase refers both to times and locations where both militaries agree not to impede one another’s objectives.

“We are looking for the Russians to work with the regime” as the U.S. and its allies begin to concentrate on ISIS territory in the mid-Euphrates valley, Dunford said. The chairman alluded to a plan that’s being co-developed among officials in Washington and Moscow to further “ensure that we can continue to take the campaign to ISIS and ensure the safety of our personnel.”

He declined to elaborate, but characterized Russians’ response as “enthusiastic.”

Another area of increasing concern is in southern Syria, where on Thursday the U.S. struck Assad loyalists as they advanced on an American training camp — apparently in defiance of Russian demands for them to stand down. Mattis said Friday that it appears these fighters were affiliated with Iran, which along with the militant group Hezbollah continues to back Assad in his conflict with an anti-government opposition. “I don’t know there were Iranians on the ground, but Iranian-directed forces,” he added.

“Iran’s activities [in Syria] have not been helpful. They’ve been hurtful,” said Mattis, a retired Marine Corps general whom many believe was forced out as the head of the U.S. Central Command because he objected to President Obama’s pursuit of a nuclear accord with Tehran. “They’ve extended a war that should have ended long ago.

“I’ve been in a lot of refugee camps over my years on active duty from — from the Dalmatian Coast to Africa and other places, seen boat people pulled out of the water off Vietnam. I have never seen refugees as traumatized as I’ve seen come out of Syria. Never. And Iran bears no little responsibility for that situation.”

Andrew deGrandpre is Military Times’ senior editor and Pentagon bureau chief. On Twitter:

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Thursday’s incident underscores, once again, the complex dynamic facing U.S. forces inside of war-torn Syria. It comes six weeks after President Donald Trump ordered a retaliatory attack on Assad’s military for its alleged use of chemical weapons against civilians. At the time, U.S. officials accused Russia of being complicit but have since begun to work more closely with Moscow hoping to establish areas that are protected from violence. For now, both sides appear to be taking that seriously.

“We are not increasing our role in the Syrian civil war, but we will defend our troops,” Defense Secretary Jim Mattis told reporters Thursday at the outset of a meeting with the Swedish defense minister.

This was despite #Russian attempts to dissuade pro-regime movement towards At Tanf, #Coalition aircraft show of force, & warning shots2/3

— Inherent Resolve (@CJTFOIR) May 18, 2017

There are believed to be approximately 900 American military personnel in Syria. Most are concentrated in the north, assisting local forces who are focused on liberating cities and towns occupied by the Islamic State. U.S. officials said Thursday that the Americans on the ground in At Tanf were training anti-ISIS units.

But some clandestine American units are training entities who oppose Assad as well, and it’s believed some of that work occurs in At Tanf. The border town is the site of significant activity dating back more than a year. Just last month, for instance, ISIS militants attacked a facility housing U.S. special operations forces as they trained opposition fighters. With the aid of airstrikes, the Americans repelled the attack, killing between 20 and 30 attackers.

Many analysts believe the town is a transfer station connecting the Syrian government with its supporters in Iran, Iraq and Lebanon, where Hezbollah is based. Linking the corridor would provide a stable land transit route to resupply the regime and bolster its proxies.

“The stated intent of that pro-regime convoy was to reopen the Damascus-Baghdad highway,” said Jennifer Cafarella, a Syria expert at the Institute for the Study of War. “I think [they] intended to test U.S. resolve and found it appropriately intact when it comes to force protection.”

Andrew deGrandpre is Military Times’ senior editor and Pentagon bureau chief. On Twitter:  @adegrandpre.  Shawn Snow is a staff writer and Military Times’ Early Bird editor. On Twitter:  @SnowSox184. 

Waddell will be second-in-command to Lt. Gen. H.R. McMaster on the National Security Council, the news site reported.

The major general has commanded the 76th Operational Response Command in Utah since October 2015. The command includes two chemical brigades, a chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear response task force, 13 elements that support combatant commands and Defense Department agencies, and emergency preparedness liaison officers for all 50 states and three territories.

Waddell has served as the director for European Security Affairs on the National Security Council, according to his military bio. In his 22-year Army career, about 12 years of those on active duty, he has served as deputy commander for mobilization and reserve affairs for U.S. Southern Command in Florida and in several key staff positions in U.S. Central Command and U.S. Forces-Korea.

He has deployed several times — five times to Iraq and three times to Afghanistan, including commanding Combined Joint Interagency Task Force-Shafafiyat — the same command previously held by McMaster — in Afghanistan’s capital of Kabul.

In his civilian career, Waddell ran the Keystone, Capstone, and Pinnacle programs as a Defense Department civilian at the National Defense University in Washington, D.C. He previously spent 17 years working in South America, where, among other positions, he was the managing director for South America for oil and gas company BG Group. He was also chief executive officer of mining company Anglo Ferrous Brazil, which was building the largest integrated mining project in the world.

Waddell is a 1982 West Point graduate who has graduate degrees from Oxford University as a Rhodes Scholar, and Webster University. He earned a PhD in international relations from Columbia University. He has also published four historical military books, drawing from his experiences in Latin America and the Army, according to his Army Reserve bio.

Waddell will replace McFarland as she steps down to serve as ambassador to Singapore. McFarland was hired by President Trump’s first national security adviser, retired Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn. McFarland will stay on to help Waddell transition into the new role until she leaves for Singapore later this year, according to Politico.

Flynn resigned after he acknowledged that he hadn’t fully disclosed conversations he had with Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak.

Trump appointed McMaster, an Army lieutenant general, as the new adviser in February. 

Army Reserve Command officials referred all questions to the White House. 

Charlsy Panzino covers the Guard and Reserve, training, technology, operations and features for Army Times and Air Force Times. Email her at cpanzino@militarytimes.com.  

A U.S. aircraft dropped a GBU-43 Massive Ordnance Air Blast, also known as a MOAB, as part of ongoing efforts to defeat ISIS-Khorasan in Afghanistan, according to a statement from U.S. Central Command. 

The strike aimed to minimize the risk to Afghan and U.S. forces conducting clearing operations in the area, the release said.

“As ISIS-K’s losses have mounted, they are using IEDs, bunkers and tunnels to thicken their defense,” Gen. John W. Nicholson, the top commander in Afghanistan, said in the release. “This is the right munition to reduce these obstacles and maintain the momentum of our offensive against ISIS-K.”

The release said the U.S. took “every precaution” to avoid civilian casualties, a position White House spokesman Sean Spicer reiterated on Thursday.

“The United States takes the fight against ISIS very seriously and in order to defeat the group, we must deny them operational space, which we did,” Spicer said. “The United States took all precautions necessary to prevent civilian casualties and collateral damage as a result of the operation.”

Spicer also described the bomb as “a large, powerful and accurately delivered weapon.”

When asked if he authorized the bomb’s use during an event at the White House Thursday, Trump praised the military’s performance and told reporters, “Everybody knows exactly what happened.”

“What I do is authorize my military,” Trump continued. “We have the greatest military in the world and they’ve done a job as usual. We have given them total authorization and that’s what they’re doing and, frankly, that’s why they’ve been so successful lately.”

When asked if the bombing sent a message to North Korea, Trump said, “I don’t know if this sends a message, it doesn’t make any difference if it does or not.”

The strike comes just days after a Special Forces soldier was killed in Nangarhar province. Staff Sgt. Mark De Alencar, of 7th Special Forces Group, was killed Saturday by enemy small arms fire while his unit was conducting counter-ISIS operations, according to the Defense Department.

The fact that the U.S. dropped the MOAB in the same province where De Alencar was killed is probably not a coincidence, said Bill Roggio, of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies.

“There might have been a degree of payback here as well,” Roggio told Military Times. “There’s certainly nothing wrong with that, especially if you’re killing your enemy.”

ISIS has had a strong presence in Nangarhar and three other Afghan provinces for years, said Roggio, who also is the editor of the Long War Journal. The fact that the U.S. dropped the MOAB indicates that ISIS remains a threat in the area, he said. The weapon is also effective against enemy fighters who hide in caves.

“What it does is basically suck out all of the oxygen and lights the air on fire,” Roggio said. “It’s a way to get into areas where conventional bombs can’t reach.”

The use of the GBU-43/B should not be understood as a larger show of force meant to send a message to Syria or other nations, said Charles A. Horner, a retired 4-star Air Force general who commanded U.S. air assets during Desert Storm. Instead, it was likely employed because of its ability to destroy ISIS’s underground infrastructure, he said.

“They were wanting to collapse tunnels, and they don’t know exactly where the tunnel is so they want to cause an earthquake to cave them in,” he said.

The GBU-43/B Massive Ordnance Air Blast bomb prototype moments before it makes contact March 11, 2003. The detonation created a mushroom cloud that could be seen from up to 20 miles away.

Photo Credit: Air Force

The 30-foot, 21,600-pound, GPS-guided MOAB was designed before the Iraq war to try to pressure Saddam Hussein, but none were ever used in the war. The first operational MOAB was deployed on April 11, 2003, but by that point, coalition troops had entered Baghdad and the Iraqi army had crumbled. According to an Air Force release published on the fifth anniversary of its March 11, 2003, test, it produced a mushroom cloud that could be seen from 20 miles away. It is so big, it doesn’t fit into bombers and instead must be carried in the back of a C-130. 

Footage of the March 2003 test available online shows a C-130 flying over a range at Eglin. A parachute pops out the back, catches the wind, and drags a platform carrying the MOAB from the airplane. The MOAB falls from the platform, pops out its directional fins, and detonates just above the ground with a deafening roar.

After the initial phase of the war passed without it being used, it became a museum piece and was added to the Air Armament Museum at Eglin Air Force Base in Florida in 2004. That MOAB on display was an empty shell, but the Air Force said at the time that it could be refilled with explosives and put back into service. 

The massive U.S. attack comes as several regional powers, including Russia, China, Iran and Pakistan, have begun to exert more influence — in some cases to undermine NATO’s objectives.

ISIS Khorasan is an affiliate of the group’s core network in Syria and Iraq. It receives tactical advice and some financial support from outside Afghanistan, but U.S. officials have so far not observed an influx of fighters from either country. Speaking at the Pentagon in December, Nicholson estimated that his forces had killed about 500 ISIS fighters in Afghanistan throughout 2016, including 12 of the group’s most senior leaders. Those losses accounted for about 25 to 30 percent of ISIS-K’s total size, he said, and reduced its foothold in Afghanistan from nine districts to three.

On Wednesday, the White House announced it is conducting a broader strategy review intended to establish the United States’ next steps for the 15-year Afghanistan campaign. As part of that, the president intends to dispatch his national security adviser, Army Lt. Gen. H.R. McMaster, to “find out how we can make progress alongside our Afghan partners.”

This story is developing. Check back for updates. 

Reporters Stephen Losey, Andrew deGrandpre and Valerie Insinna contributed to this report.