{"id":41753,"date":"2020-12-23T10:00:00","date_gmt":"2020-12-23T10:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/one.sightlinemg.com\/defensenews\/uncategorized\/2020\/12\/23\/biden-should-continue-building-intermediate-range-missiles\/"},"modified":"2026-08-07T23:12:58","modified_gmt":"2026-08-07T23:12:58","slug":"biden-should-continue-building-intermediate-range-missiles","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/one.sightlinemg.com\/defensenews\/commentary\/2020\/12\/23\/biden-should-continue-building-intermediate-range-missiles\/","title":{"rendered":"Biden should continue building intermediate-range missiles"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

After withdrawing from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty<\/a> in August 2019, U.S. President Donald Trump envisioned a comprehensive agreement that controlled all Russian and Chinese nuclear systems, including about 100 Russian and 2,200 Chinese ground-launched, intermediate-range missiles. With the Xi government unwilling to join arms control negotiations<\/a>, the Trump administration expressed interest in a bilateral deal with Russia. To augment its bargaining position and military capabilities, it secured $181 million<\/a> to develop intermediate-range conventional missiles. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On one hand, the Biden administration should continue building ground-based, intermediate-range conventional missiles, which will have significant operational value. Developing missiles previously restricted under the INF Treaty would create bargaining chips to trade for Russian and Chinese systems. Deploying intermediate-range missiles abroad would pressure the Putin and Xi governments to engage in serious arms negotiations. Plus, U.S. officials could propose an exchange of apples for apples, which would simplify negotiations with Russia and China. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the other hand, the Biden administration should adopt a realistic approach to arms negotiations with Russia and China. President Trump\u2019s stated objective \u2014 rapidly achieving a single accord that controlled all Russian and Chinese nuclear weapons<\/a> \u2014 was a long shot<\/a>. Given Russian President Vladimir Putin\u2019s readiness to talk, U.S. officials could first seek a bilateral deal with Russia. Then, they could pursue a bilateral accord with Chinese President Xi Jinping. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Chinese and Russian dual-capable, ground-based ballistic and cruise missiles imperil American and allied security. Protected by Integrated Air Defense Systems, they can strike American and allied forces and bases throughout Eurasia. American and allied ballistic missile defenses can intercept adversary missiles, but they could be overwhelmed<\/a> and destroyed<\/a> by a committed salvo. Modern missiles, such as Russia\u2019s Iskander-M (also known as SS-26), can also evade ballistic missile defenses. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Xi government possesses thousands of intermediate-range missiles that can damage U.S. and allied airfields and naval installations throughout the Western Pacific. For instance, the United States maintains seven air bases within 1,100 kilometers of China. By utilizing radar and satellite imagery to detect vessels 2,000 kilometers from mainland China, Beijing can wreck U.S. and allied ships at sea. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Putin government is deploying intermediate-range missiles to augment its anti-access\/area denial capabilities in Kaliningrad, St. Petersburg and Crimea. For example, SSC-8 ground-launched cruise missiles can destroy European targets from deep in Russian territory. Road-mobile, shorter-range missiles, such as the Iskander-M, can also strike Western forces from Kaliningrad and Crimea. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

As they develop modern missiles, American policymakers need to convince reluctant allies to host the weapons. If allies refuse, they could deploy systems on U.S. territory in Guam or the Northern Mariana Islands<\/a>. Without concrete plans to station U.S. missiles abroad, those weapons will not produce meaningful leverage during arms talks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this context, U.S. officials can pursue reductions on Russian and Chinese ground-based, intermediate-range missiles separately and in a series of stages. For instance, Putin offered to extend the New START nuclear pact. He also suggested a moratorium on the deployment of intermediate-range missiles in Europe. The Biden administration can exploit both overtures to jump-start negotiations about intermediate-range missiles.<\/p>\n\n\n\t