the polished, welcome face of the new right<\/a>.\u201d Arguing for a foreign policy reset, he faulted both Republicans\u2019 and Democrats\u2019 overconfidence in the idea that false progressive values and institutions would spread in the \u201cnew world order.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n\u201cIt is time for a new departure, based on America\u2019s needs in this new century,\u201d Hawley said. \u201cBecause the point of American foreign policy should not be to remake the world, but to keep Americans safe and prosperous. And those aims are themselves in service to a higher one: to preserve, protect and defend our unique way of democracy.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The senator spoke to Defense News on Nov. 13 in his office at the Capitol.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
What prompted you to deliver a foreign policy speech now?<\/b><\/p>\n\n\n\n
It\u2019s pretty clear that we are in a moment of major change in the world, and we\u2019re rethinking our posture toward the world \u2015 and frankly, China is the huge driver for that. I\u2019ve been to Hong Kong recently and seen for myself there the protests, the situation, the circumstances. In my time on the Armed Services Committee, the last 11 months, one consistent theme has been Chinese expansion, Chinese ambitions. It\u2019s having an effect, not just on our foreign policy but trade policy and economic policy, so it seems to me that we\u2019re in a moment of transition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
We\u2019re also trying to reckon with our commitments in other places around the globe \u2015 particularly in the greater Middle East and our \u201cforever wars,\u201d as they\u2019re being called. I think it\u2019s incumbent upon us at this particular and crucial moment in the country\u2019s history, in our foreign policy, to think through what does the future look like. Let\u2019s think through the basics: What are our core interests? What does it look like to protect our security and our prosperity? What\u2019s it look like to do that for the people of our working and middle classes? And what\u2019s that mean for our foreign policy?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Your recent letter to Defense Secretary Mark Esper warned the U.S. is outgunned in the Indo-Pacific region and that American troops are in danger of being overrun. What\u2019s the specific threat for which the U.S. is unprepared?<\/b><\/p>\n\n\n\n
China has been in the midst of major military modernization and buildup for some years now, and we, frankly, have not appreciated the extent to which they are gaining a military and strategic advantage in the Indo-Pacific. Specifically, I\u2019m thinking about the ability to project their power in a sort of quick strike on Taiwan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
It\u2019s not clear that we would be able to help resist a military strike, invasion of Taiwan before it was already done, before it\u2019s a fait accompli. The National Defense Strategy sets out in somewhat alarming but very accurate terms China\u2019s anti-access and area-denial capabilities, its seagoing capabilities, its ballistic missile and other advanced missile capabilities. It\u2019s acquired the ability to deny us access at least for the short term, while projecting its power to the first island chain, if not beyond. That could really shift the balance of power in that region in a way that\u2019s very unfavorable to us.<\/p>\n\n\n\nIn this May 16, 2014 photo, Vietnamese expatriates and Filipinos protest the recent moves by China to construct an oil rig near the Vietnamese-claimed Paracels off the contested Spratlys group of islands and shoals in the South China Sea. In comments last week, Vietnamese President Nguyen Phu Trong said it was time to take stock after three months of tensions with Beijing over Vietnamese-controlled Vanguard Reef that China also claims, according to Hong Kong\u2019s South China Morning Post news. (Bullit Marquez\/AP)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\nWith the administration\u2019s defense budget request coming in a few months, where would you push the administration to spend more?<\/b><\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nuclear modernization, undersea capabilities that can be deployed in the Indo-Pacific region and an expansion of basing are all very important. We\u2019ve got to think about platforms that can help with the anti-access and access-denial problem, which is a huge, huge issue for us.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
I\u2019ve called for dedicated funding streams like the European Defense Initiative. But for the Indo-Pacific, that will give the area combatant commander the ability to ramp up our efforts to get into the right posture.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Broadly speaking, we need to be forward postured in that region. We need to diversify our posture so we\u2019re not so concentrated, and we need allies. We\u2019ve got to work on building out our network of partnerships and alliances, and basing does come into it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
You see a vulnerability because of an over-concentration of U.S. forces. Are you worried about South Korea? How should the posture of U.S. forces in the region change? <\/b><\/p>\n\n\n\n
What we want to avoid is an over-concentration in just Northeast Asia. We want to be able to spread out, I think, into Southeast Asia as well \u2015 Japan, the Philippines \u2015 so that we\u2019re not basically sitting ducks. It makes the access denial harder if our basing is diversified and if we\u2019re not geographically concentrated either in any country or even in any one area. This is the direction in which, I think, the joint force ought to be thinking and U.S. Indo-Pacific Command ought to be thinking.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
You\u2019ve made a strong point that you can\u2019t have a $1 trillion or $2 trillion defense budget \u2014 that the U.S. can\u2019t do everything. Where are the trade-offs? Are aircraft carriers too vulnerable? Is a 355-ship Navy too costly?<\/b><\/p>\n\n\n\n
That\u2019s what we need to continue to push the services and the Pentagon as a whole to ask, and it\u2019s part of my reason for emphasizing that we\u2019re already spending almost $800 billion a year on defense \u2015 which I\u2019m for; we\u2019ve got to protect the security and prosperity, the American people. But that\u2019s not limitless, our capacity isn\u2019t limitless, we\u2019re not the unipolar power anymore. I think it\u2019s a mistake to try to go back and be the world\u2019s hegemon. That would require $2 trillion or $3 trillion, and we\u2019re not going to do that. So it is vital to push the services and the Pentagon to think about this.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
But a 355-ship Navy? Count me as, you know, a question mark on that. Capacity versus capability, but do we need 355 ships to meet the priority set out in the NDS? Aircraft carrier? Similarly, I\u2019ve asked a number of questions about aircraft carriers at our hearings, and I\u2019d like to hear more. Platforms, weapons systems and basic posture: All of that has got to be rethought in terms of this present challenge.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Taiwan is central to your thinking. Are there capabilities the U.S. needs to sell Taipei, like advanced fighter aircraft?<\/b><\/p>\n\n\n\n
In our ongoing dialogue with Taiwan, we need to urge them to be thinking about what platforms and systems will make a fait accompli difficult, and then survivable: What do they need to do to repel or slow down a quick strike [as part of an] invasion [by China]? The degree of fancy, in terms of the weapons system, I know that there are sort of prestige systems, but that shouldn\u2019t come into it. We need to be very rigorously focused on what\u2019s going to help repel or slow an invasion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The idea is to not have to fight, obviously. We don\u2019t want to have a conflict with China; China doesn\u2019t want to conflict with us. We\u2019ve got to get ourselves postured in the region, and globally to make it clear that any similar projection of Chinese power will fail. And therefore, don\u2019t even attempt it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Also to all of the other nations in the region: Don\u2019t kowtow to China. You don\u2019t have to count on China because they\u2019re not going to become the hegemon of the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\nU.S. Sen. Josh Hawley (R-MO) (L) speaks as Sen. Rick Scott (R-FL) (R) listens during a news conference at the U.S. Capitol April 2, 2019 in Washington, DC. Sen. Scott held a news conference to discuss “his efforts to make healthcare more affordable and accessible for families.” (Photo by Alex Wong\/Getty Images)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\nYou\u2019ve taken a stand for human rights in Hong Kong, but your foreign policy vision seems weighted toward the interests side and less the values side. Does that reflect today\u2019s foreign policy thinking, where the Trump administration emphasizes trade and a transactional approach, as opposed to a the Reagan-era approach that emphasized values?<\/b><\/p>\n\n\n\n
Preserving our democracy and our way of democracy in the world \u2014 I think that\u2019s our highest value and it\u2019s our greatest service to the world, because if we preserve an international system where American democracy is safe and free, we will improve the position of our partners, allies and freedom-loving people everywhere.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
We have a broad middle of working-class people in this country that deserve prosperity. And for that prosperity to happen, we have got to be able to sell the things that we manufacture, to enter into commercial agreements with other nations \u2015 and the Indo-Pacific is a hugely important market for us. That\u2019s something in our interest, but it is absolutely foundational \u2015 the prosperity of our own people.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Does the administration have a cohesive China strategy? If so, what do you think of it?<\/b><\/p>\n\n\n\n
I think that the president has done a terrific job of communicating the threat from China by highlighting what China has done to us economically, for literally decades now, and that [it is part of its] global ambitions. China has used its permanent normal trade status with us, its World Trade Organization status, its access to the international trade system, to steal technologies, to steal intellectual property, to steal manufacturing [information from] industry. This is what they\u2019ve been attempting to do. And give them credit \u2014 they\u2019ve been really good at it. The president is drawing attention to that, which is fantastic.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Then the National Security Strategy represents a fairly significant sea change. Any time you\u2019re in the midst of a major sea change, things are kind of choppy, and it\u2019s a different way thinking. The NDS calls for pretty significant changes at the Pentagon, and by implication if you think about what it would take, from a whole-of-government approach, to steer in that direction means a lot of change. We\u2019re in the midst of that, and it\u2019s hard sometimes for people to take it all on board.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
How\u2019s the environment on Capitol Hill for action? Is there bipartisan agreement here?<\/b><\/p>\n\n\n\n
What I see the most is what I call the \u201call-of-the-above approach,\u201d and I don\u2019t think will work. That\u2019s the approach where we just add China in, we\u2019ll just layer that on top of everything else we\u2019re doing in the world. We won\u2019t actually change anything fundamentally, we keep doing what we\u2019re doing in the Middle East, we\u2019ll keep doing what we\u2019re doing in Europe, and we\u2019ll do it all. That gets us to the $2 trillion defense budget, and that\u2019s not a strategy. Doing more is not a strategy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The resistance will come when you decide not to do things.<\/b><\/p>\n\n\n\n
Absolutely, and I think that\u2019s why it\u2019s important to start with the baseline: \u201cOK, what are our interests?\u201d Our interests are in securing the prosperity of the American people, especially our middle class and our physical security, and then we build out from there.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Counterterrorism, I mean that\u2019s a key interest, clearly, to prevent the formation or the reformation of terrorist groups that can strike the homeland and American interests. We\u2019re going to have to do that, but our counterterrorism effort, do we need to have thousands of troops in the greater Middle East in order to carry out counterterrorism? I don\u2019t think that we do. So there\u2019s some tough choices to be made here. But we\u2019ve got to make the tough choices because China and Russia aren\u2019t waiting around for us.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
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