{"id":10828,"date":"2017-04-05T14:44:34","date_gmt":"2017-04-05T14:44:34","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/one.sightlinemg.com\/federaltimes\/uncategorized\/2017\/04\/05\/the-warrior-scholar-why-h-r-mcmaster-should-adopt-kissinger-model-commentary\/"},"modified":"2026-08-08T04:26:51","modified_gmt":"2026-08-08T04:26:51","slug":"the-warrior-scholar-why-h-r-mcmaster-should-adopt-kissinger-model-commentary","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/one.sightlinemg.com\/federaltimes\/management\/2017\/04\/05\/the-warrior-scholar-why-h-r-mcmaster-should-adopt-kissinger-model-commentary\/","title":{"rendered":"The warrior scholar: Why H. R. McMaster should adopt Kissinger model [Commentary]"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

On February 20, President Trump appointed<\/a> Lt. Gen. H. R. McMaster as national security adviser, a position left open after Gen. Mike Flynn’s departure<\/a>. McMaster is an optimal choice for the role not only because of his proven military prowess<\/a>\u00a0but, more importantly, because of his strategic mind, willingness to consider the granular details of American foreign policymaking and ability to speak truth to power. Another security adviser able to challenge presidential decision-making and influence policy was Henry Kissinger<\/a>. Given Trump’s relationship<\/a> with current members of the National Security Council and his attempts to centralize foreign policymaking to the White House, McMaster should seek to emulate Kissinger’s knack for getting the president to reflect on both strategy and policy. During the Foreign Policy Initiative\u00a0Forum<\/a> last fall, McMaster gave a brief overview<\/a> of how strategy, policy and history are interconnected disciplines of the utmost importance to American security policy:<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n

Through insight derived from past conflicts, history provides a framework for new strategies to infuse operational logistics<\/a>with more sophisticated capabilities. McMaster will bring historiographical skill sets and knowledge to the NSC, but will most likely face pushback from Trump, Steve Bannon, and K.T. McFarland. A prime national security adviser<\/a>within the Trump administration will need to facilitate interagency cooperation, sidestep members of the NSC who pose significant threats to global stability and consolidate a relationship of trust with the president to push for a foreign policy that achieves American interests through well-crafted strategy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Like the exchanges between President Richard Nixon and Kissinger, McMaster could develop policymaking reflection, if not influence, in the White House. This sort of relationship, when deciding to declare war, is a good thing. The externalities and the unseen consequences<\/a>of warfare need to be a part of the conversation on optimizing national security policy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

“Wars and warfare must be understood in context of their social, cultural, economic, human, moral, political, and psychological dimensions because \u2018the roots of victory and defeat often have to be sought far from the battlefield,\u2019 ” McMaster wrote. If a tactical win will not transfer into a strategic end, military engagement is not justified and superior technology will not guarantee a long-term victory. Such is McMaster\u2019s warrior ethos<\/a>: Go in with a good strategy, or stay out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

McMaster does not subscribe to na\u00efve complete domain control doctrine<\/a>, or the assumption that U.S. military capabilities could be sophisticated enough to win in any operating environment. Yet these ideas seem to dominate NSC heuristics<\/a>as of late. As director of the Army Capabilities Integration Center<\/a>, McMaster understands that military operations rarely go exactly as planned, nor can the U.S. be the master of every battlefield. Seeing lapses in planning and conceptualizing strategy in Iraq and Afghanistan, McMaster asserts that military officials have been delusional<\/a>in their recent war-fighting doctrine and assessment of “military readiness.” He takes this point further in his monograph, ” Dereliction of Duty<\/a>,” pointing to operational failures in Vietnam to justify his desire to restructure our war-fighting capabilities, reflection and skepticism of executive authority. Given his breadth and depth of knowledge, his success as national security adviser will hinge more on his capability to navigate the constraints and expectations placed upon him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Through Twitter diplomacy and ambiguous language<\/a>, Trump has painted an opaque<\/a>U.S. grand strategy grounded not in history, but in impulse<\/a>. Trump\u2019s governing style could thus be described as opportunistic and calculated in immediacy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Taking into consideration rising tensions<\/a>in the South China Sea, the recent deployment of Marines<\/a>to Syria and ongoing uncertainty around the North Korean missile launches<\/a>, having leaders such as McMaster could defuse<\/a>possible conflicts that others<\/a>in the NSC do not comprehend. It remains to be seen how McMaster might deal with nascent threats, particularly in Asia<\/a>, but reconsideration, in the case of the NSC and American grand strategy, is a good thing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In a position that is ambiguous<\/a>and molds to the leadership capacity of its holder, McMaster should strive to become Trump\u2019s Kissinger, leveraging his expertise to help the president better manage threats to U.S. national security. McMaster will bring history, philosophy and clarity to bear on the National Security Council, demanding the ear of the executive branch and our allies for the better.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Oliver Thomas is a recent alumnus of a Fulbright grant to study in Taiwan on the island of Kinmen. He currently writes for the Global Taiwan Brief and works at a think tank in Washington, D.C. He will pursue further study in politics and international relations at the University of Cambridge in the fall.<\/i><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Given President Trump\u2019s relationship with current members of the National Security Council and his attempts to centralize foreign policymaking to the White House, McMaster should seek to emulate Kissinger\u2019s knack for getting the president to reflect on both strategy and policy.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7,"featured_media":30796,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_yoast_wpseo_meta-robots-noindex":"","_yoast_wpseo_meta-robots-nofollow":"","_yoast_wpseo_canonical":"","_acf":"","_yoast_wpseo_primary_category":15,"_jetpack_feature_clip_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","_smg_distribution_targets":[]},"categories":[15,68,26],"tags":[],"coauthors":[708],"class_list":["post-10828","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-management","category-leadership","category-opinions"],"acf":{"subheadline":"","legacy_arc_id":"TCRYNBGHURH2JKP4RQPAO6AERQ","arc_canonical_url":"\/management\/2017\/04\/05\/the-warrior-scholar-why-h-r-mcmaster-should-adopt-kissinger-model-commentary\/","remove_feature_photo":false,"is_sponsored":false,"subtype":"","redirect_url":"","disable_inline_ads":false,"native_logo_pretext":"Presented By:"},"yoast_head":"\nThe warrior scholar: Why H. 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