{"id":25438,"date":"2023-05-09T19:39:18","date_gmt":"2023-05-09T19:39:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/one.sightlinemg.com\/federaltimes\/uncategorized\/2023\/05\/09\/how-would-ending-chevron-deference-impact-federal-agencies\/"},"modified":"2026-08-08T05:01:39","modified_gmt":"2026-08-08T05:01:39","slug":"how-would-ending-chevron-deference-impact-federal-agencies","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/one.sightlinemg.com\/federaltimes\/congress\/2023\/05\/09\/how-would-ending-chevron-deference-impact-federal-agencies\/","title":{"rendered":"How would ending \u2018Chevron deference\u2019 impact federal agencies?"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

It\u2019s been called the Voldemort of administrative law. The phantom, lurking spirit of the executive branch of government that is ever present but, as of recently, rarely uttered by the high court.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2018Chevron deference,\u2019 the legal doctrine that gives federal agencies the authority to interpret vague statutes and carry them out as they see reasonable, has been for 40 years the most-cited administrative law decision, said Andrew Blum, a litigator for Miller Canfield.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cRecently, it\u2019s not been cited as often,\u201d Blum said in an interview. \u201cThat\u2019s why they\u2019ve compared it to the Lord Voldemort of administrative law \u2013 the decision that shall not be named.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The doctrine is applied more frequently by lower circuits courts and less by the Supreme Court, according to a Yale University regulatory analysis<\/a>, though that silence may break in the next term. The U.S. high court declared at the end of April that it will take up Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo<\/i><\/a>, a case dealing with the fundamental question of who is best situated to make the rules: agencies, Congress or the courts. Legal experts with whom Federal Times spoke said outcomes range from overturning Chevron altogether to narrowing it to leaving it intact.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Overturning Chevron<\/i> would deal a blow to the administrative state, which critics and conservatives have long decried as too unwieldy. Polls indicate public trust in the executive branch<\/a> is barely above record lows from the Watergate years, and the number of regulations has grown as agencies\u2019 missions have become more complex.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cFrom agencies\u2019 perspective, if [Chevron\u2019s] overruled, they\u2019re losing some power to the judicial branch,\u201d Blum said. \u201cTo the extent we\u2019re looking at is as a balance of power situation, there is some loss of power from the agencies to the courts through that process.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Chevron doctrine is a legacy of Justice John Paul Stevens that was also supported by Antonin Scalia. Chevron USA Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council<\/i><\/a> is what started it all in 1984. But a different case with a similar question is before the Supreme Court now.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The doctrine acknowledges that agencies have subject-matter expertise in determining how to carry out legislation. Because Congress cannot include in a law every possible outcome or circumstance (lest every law be the length of a Harry Potter novel), Chevron deference allows the courts to defer to agency\u2019s interpretations of vague statutes, provided that they\u2019re reasonable.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cIf Congress has explicitly left a gap for the agency to fill, there is an express delegation of authority to the agency to elucidate a specific provision of the statute by regulation,\u201d Stevens wrote in his opinion<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Since then, Chevron has been operating in the background of government and has been cited in more than 80,000 sources on Westlaw as of 2018.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cIf you look at it at at Chevron in its original nature, it went across the political spectrum,\u201d Blum said. \u201cThere were six justices that that voted for Chevron, but it\u2019s taken on a political tinge over time. But originally, it didn\u2019t have that.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Chevron<\/i> came during an era of attempted deregulation by then-President Ronald Reagan, who sought to \u201creduce regulatory burdens, increase agency accountability and provide for presidential intervention into agency decision making,\u201d per executive order<\/a> in 1981.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The other check on power was, and is, the judiciary. Chevron deference mediates when conflicts between the two arise.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Conservative legal academy<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Mike Showalter, a litigator for Arentfox Schiff LLP, <\/a>said the principle can be tricky to apply, and the high court has been reluctant to grant deference. <\/a>Instead of invoking or citing the Chevron doctrine, the Supreme Court has used routine statutory analysis to determine whether an agency overstepped, perhaps hinting at an inclination by the conservative majority to allow Chevron to fade from use.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2018Why now?\u2019 is is a little bit of a product of who\u2019s on the Supreme Court,\u201d Showalter said. \u201cThe conservative legal academy has written about problems with [Chevron deference] for a long time. This is not a new thing. This is just a thing where either they found the right facts, or they realized there\u2019s a whole lot of confusion.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Some critics may also feel that the original two policy <\/a>pillars stated in Chevron <\/i>have been neglected, Blum said. Chevron was built on the idea that independent federal agencies aren\u2019t making political choices, and that they stay true to the statutory text as much as possible to produce the best result, even if there are ambiguities, Blum said. The second is that agencies are beholden to the chief executive, who is accountable to the public via elections. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cOver time, some folks have felt that those policy reasons had been undermined,\u201d he said. \u201cAs far as technical, apolitical expertise, [some say] you have the interpretations swinging from one extreme of the pendulum to the other as administrations change … There\u2019s also the perception by some that agencies began to push the envelope in a way they hadn\u2019t pre-Chevron<\/i>.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Justices Brett Kavanaugh, Neil Gorsuch and Clarence Thomas have in the past criticized the doctrine. There\u2019s also speculation that Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito may, too, seek limit its application based on past statements, according to analysis by the Congressional Research Service.<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWhile any prediction of the court\u2019s decisions would be premature at this time, the fact that the justices used oral argument to explore statutory meaning, absent any discussion of Chevron deference, may suggest that the court will continue its recent tendency to find clear meaning in statutes and resolve cases at chevron\u2019s first step, rather than deferring to an agency\u2019s interpretation,\u201d according to CRS.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Courts are, after all, incremental institutions, Showalter said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If Chevron<\/i> is overturned, agencies will eventually find stability, he said, though interest groups may seek to destabilize decisions that were made with Chevron deference and subject them to the regulatory process. And in the interim, Showalter said agencies may be looking to keep their policies defensible.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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