{"id":45502,"date":"2022-08-01T18:31:42","date_gmt":"2022-08-01T18:31:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/one.sightlinemg.com\/militarytimes\/uncategorized\/2022\/08\/01\/white-house-aims-to-release-overdue-security-strategies-within-weeks\/"},"modified":"2026-08-07T22:00:34","modified_gmt":"2026-08-07T22:00:34","slug":"white-house-aims-to-release-overdue-security-strategies-within-weeks","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/one.sightlinemg.com\/militarytimes\/news\/pentagon-congress\/2022\/08\/01\/white-house-aims-to-release-overdue-security-strategies-within-weeks\/","title":{"rendered":"White House aims to release overdue security strategies within weeks"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

WASHINGTON \u2015 Amid pressure from U.S. lawmakers, the White House is weighing a September rollout for its long-delayed National Security Strategy, now being rewritten to emphasize Russia alongside China<\/a> following the country\u2019s invasion of Ukraine<\/a>, Defense News has learned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

President Joe Biden<\/a> and his administration has been making a full-court press in Congress to pass signature legislation aimed at competing with China economically and technologically, but his National Defense Strategy<\/a> remains secret, fueling frustrations from Capitol Hill that open discussions about strategy-driven budgeting are being hamstrung.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The White House roll-out of its overarching National Security Strategy can\u2019t come soon enough for national security-focused lawmakers on both sides of the aisle because the unclassified version of the Pentagon\u2019s National Defense Strategy, now four months old, is behind it in the Biden administration\u2019s queue.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The White House contends the broader document needed extra time after the invasion and a personnel shakeup on the National Security Council, but, even from within Biden\u2019s own party, the heat is on. Mandated by Congress, the strategy helps lawmakers weigh the president\u2019s national security priorities for budgeting, shows allies and adversaries those priorities and helps government officials speak with a single voice on national security matters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe keep making clear that this is a necessary requirement for the Senate and insisting [the strategy come] as soon as possible,\u201d Senate Armed Services Committee Chairman Jack Reed<\/a>, D-R.I., told Defense News last week. The benefits \u201care a coherent operational view of the world, starting with threats, and then capabilities against those threats. It gives us insight into how much to fund and where to fund.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2018Impeding our ability to do our jobs\u2019<\/h1>\n\n\n\n

Then-President Donald Trump\u2019s 2018 strategy<\/a> is best known for its profound shift away from the Iraq and Afghanistan wars toward prioritizing China and Russia \u2015 a focus that\u2019s since driven innumerable national security budget and policy decisions in the U.S. and among allies. In Washington, the recommendation from the National Defense Strategy Commission for 3%-5% annual defense spending increases became an oft-repeated Republican talking point in Capitol Hill budget debates.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

By law, Congress must establish its Commission on the National Defense Strategy <\/a>no later than 30 days after the defense secretary submits the strategy, but congressional leaders have so far named only a handful of the eight members. According to Reed, Congress must first wait for the unclassified strategy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Where Trump in 2018 issued a 14-page unclassified summary <\/a>of his National Defense Strategy, Biden has so far released only a two-page summary in March, with the promise of a fuller version later. In the meantime, lawmakers have had access to the classified defense strategy, but because it\u2019s considered secret, they are barred from discussing it publicly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The National Defense Strategy is traditionally followed by other topic-specific reviews focused on nuclear weapons<\/a> and missile defense<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
Chairman Sen. Jim Inhofe, R-Okla., brandishes the report of the National Defense Strategy Commission as he speaks during a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing on Capitol Hill in Washington, Tuesday, July 30, 2019 (AP Photo\/Andrew Harnik)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

In recent days, lawmakers on the armed services committees have included near-identical language in the House and Senate versions of the National Defense Authorization Act for 2023<\/a> that would order the Pentagon to submit both a classified and unclassified National Defense Strategy \u2015 an expansion from the \u201csummary\u201d required under existing law.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe unclassified version of the Trump administration strategy was pretty beefy, and it was a document serious enough that we could have a conversation about it in public. Now what we\u2019ve gotten from this Department of Defense is just a fact sheet, and that fact sheet actually says nothing,\u201d said one Republican aide who was not authorized to speak with the press. \u201cI just think it\u2019s a massive middle finger to the Congress.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Members of Congress are not only seeking answers about how to fix defense industrial base weaknesses laid bare by U.S. efforts to arm Ukraine from its own military supplies, but they\u2019re getting deeper into their debate of the federal budget and mammoth NDAA for 2023.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

So far, lawmakers have yet to reach a spending deal, but increases backed by the armed services committees would rebuke Biden\u2019s $802 billion request and instead approve more than $850 billion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cIt has made it very difficult and we\u2019ve expressed our aggravation with the administration \u2014 both me and Adam Smith<\/a> \u2014 about it,\u201d House Armed Services Committee ranking member Mike Rogers<\/a>, R-Ala., said, referencing the panel\u2019s chairman. \u201cWe\u2019re gonna go on and do our work. If they don\u2019t want us to factor in what they think, we\u2019re going to do it our own way.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Smith, in a statement, downplayed those concerns, saying the committee had been aided in its work by its access to and briefings on the classified version, but didn\u2019t deny pushing the administration to release its strategy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cI do agree that we should get an unclassified version as soon as possible, but we do already have some very deep visibility on the NDS, and that visibility is informing the work of the committee,\u201d said Smith, D-Wash.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Senate Armed Services Committee\u2019s top Republican, Sen. Jim Inhofe<\/a>, wants to discuss how, in his view, the strategy\u2019s view of China\u2019s designs on Taiwan are clearer-eyed than Trump\u2019s in 2018.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Inhofe in April called for the administration to let Congress know when lawmakers can expect the National Security Strategy, but has yet to receive a timeline, he said in a statement last week. There are \u201czero excuses\u201d for delaying public debate and \u201ca lot of reasons to move faster,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cIt\u2019s way past overdue, and it\u2019s impeding our ability to do our jobs \u2014 and help the military get what it needs, according to the strategy itself,\u201d Inhofe said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe know China is our pacing threat \u2014 this strategy does a good job of laying that out \u2014 and we know the world has gotten even more dangerous since the last National Defense Strategy was released four years ago, but it\u2019s hard to impress on the American people the scale, scope and urgency of the challenges we face if the strategy isn\u2019t public.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThere\u2019s also some things in the strategy I\u2019m concerned with, and we need to debate those things in public,\u201d Inhofe added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Defense Department said in a statement it would release the unclassified National Defense Strategy \u201cafter the President\u2019s National Security Strategy is published.\u201d Its classified strategy \u201cwas released on March 28, 2022 to inform the budgetary process, and the Department is currently focused on NDS implementation,\u201d said Pentagon spokesman Oscar Se\u00e1ra.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Not \u2018China down, Russia up\u2019<\/h1>\n\n\n\n

While the National Security Strategy and National Defense Strategy documents aren\u2019t public, the strategies themselves have not been a complete mystery.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Just 45 days into Biden\u2019s administration, he took the unique step of publicly issuing an Interim National Security Strategic Guidance<\/a>, months before the administration was required to do so. Its emphasis on alliances was seen as a rebuke and reversal of Trump\u2019s \u201cAmerica First\u201d strategy \u2015 as was the Biden strategy\u2019s broad focus on the COVID-19 pandemic and economic shocks associated with it, racial injustice and climate change.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Like Trump\u2019s strategy, Biden\u2019s guidance identified China, Russia, North Korea and Iran as potential adversaries, but Biden has drawn fire from GOP hawks for playing up diplomacy and playing down the role of nuclear weapons. The guidance also codified a call for the military to \u201cshift our emphasis from unneeded legacy platforms and weapon systems to free up resources for investments in cutting-edge technologies.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The White House had a National Security Strategy drafted in January, when it hit pause to see how the Russia-Ukraine conflict would unfold. Then in February, the official drafting the strategy, Sasha Baker<\/a>, left NSC to become deputy undersecretary of defense for policy. In late April, she was replaced as NSC\u2019s senior director of strategy by Thomas Wright<\/a>, an expert on trans-Atlantic relations and foreign policy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

China and the Indo-Pacific will remain a top theme, but for Europe, the strategy will recognize the land war in Europe\u2019s major geopolitical implications, a senior administration official told Defense News. The first six months of the war have seen NATO begin to expand and enhance its force posture, while Ukraine has fought Russia to a near standstill using western aid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cI think it would be a mistake to look at it and say \u2018China down, Russia up,\u2019\u201d said the senior administration official, who spoke with Defense News on condition of anonymity. \u201cThat\u2019s definitely not the case, but it will reflect some of the big geopolitical events that we\u2019ve seen.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
President Joe Biden speaks about gas prices in the South Court Auditorium on the White House campus as photo of Russian President Vladimir Putin is on a screen behind him, Wednesday, June 22, 2022, in Washington. (AP Photo\/Evan Vucci)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Secretary of State Antony Blinken<\/a>, in a speech on May 26, called Russia \u201ca clear and present threat\u201d and China \u201cthe most serious long-term challenge to the international order,\u201d but said the U.S. is determined to avoid conflict or a new Cold War.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

That\u2019s a subtly different construction from the National Defense Strategy, whose fact sheet released March 28 says it judges China as the \u201cmost consequential strategic competitor and the pacing challenge for the Department,\u201d and identifies Russia as an \u201cacute threat.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Michael O\u2019Hanlon<\/a>, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, said Pentagon leaders are caught in \u201can intellectual straitjacket\u201d in their strategy\u2019s emphasis on China, the complex future threat that they want to confront, while Russia causes the worst security crisis in Europe since 1945. The solution, in O\u2019Hanlon\u2019s view, is to prioritize Russia and China equally.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThere\u2019s this sort of cognitive dissonance, where they are trying to prioritize China, even as Russia is the one that\u2019s obviously threatening global order much more acutely. Their stance doesn\u2019t quite accommodate that reality,\u201d O\u2019Hanlon said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Beyond a geopolitical view, the strategy lays out three priorities: \u201cintegrated deterrence,\u201d or coordinating military, diplomatic and economic levers from across the U.S. government to deter an adversary from taking an aggressive action; \u201ccampaigning forward\u201d to build up the capability of international coalitions and complicate adversaries\u2019 actions; and \u201cbuilding enduring advantages\u201d through investing in the right technologies and people.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Military leaders privy to the classified strategy have meanwhile been linking their plans to those public principles. The chief of naval operations, Adm. Mike Gilday, recently issued an updated Navigation Plan 2022<\/a> that reframes the role of the service in terms of the strategy, saying, for instance, the U.S. needs a larger and more capable Navy to, \u201cbuild enduring warfighting advantages.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Former Pentagon Comptroller Dov Zakheim<\/a>, now a senior adviser with the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said Washington needs to publicly discuss how to budget for a National Security Strategy that prioritizes China, Russia and \u2015 potentially, given Biden\u2019s recent visit there \u2015 the Mideast.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe interim strategy\u2019s been overcome by events,\u201d Zakheim said of the Interim National Security Strategic Guidance. \u201cThat version talked about China being the No. 1 threat, but we\u2019ve done so much for Ukraine and will continue to do so. And the president\u2019s visit to the Middle East shows that one hasn\u2019t diminished entirely. So it begs the question, how can we fund all of that?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bryant Harris contributed to this report.<\/i><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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